http://www.randian-online.com/en/features/spheres-of-influence.html
Western Art in China and the Vehicles, Actors and the Motives which
Brought it Here
September, 2010
Rebecca Catching
This year in honor of the Expo, Shanghai has seen an inundation of
artistic projects from all corners of the globe. Some were great; some
over-hyped and some occurred in a void – the black hole that is the
Expo grounds, out of the sight (and mind) of the Shanghai artistic
community. Who isn't still fending off calls from people asking them
to schlep down to see this or that poorly conceived Expo project?
Quality aside, China has never in its history seen so many foreign
artistic projects on its soil and in light of this, it seemed fitting
to examine the history of Western art into China. This is a dialogue
that has spanned centuries and covers a variety of purposes and
motives, from the commercial to the ideological to the purely
artistic.
Knowledge of Western art entered China through a variety of channels,
including Jesuit priests, Chinese-run schools, Japanese art teachers,
art books from Europe and Japan, magazines from the Mainland and
Taiwan, returnee students, exhibitions and through a limited number of
exchanges with Western artists. Because of all of the filtering of
information and the fluctuating political climate, China's modern art
history is not a mere reflection of Western art history with a bit of
"lag-time" added in, but a history which flirts with different Western
movements, then retreats, then flirts with other movements only to
return to the previous movements. At the same time, there is the
enduring parallel history of guohua (Chinese ink painting) which has
continuously exerted influence on China's modern artists.
Here I shall attempt to trace the footsteps of Western influence, to
look at the actors involved and the vehicles they used to spread
awareness of Western art to China from the mid-16th century to the
1980s (1). In a second article to follow in the 3rd issue of Randian,
I will look at the artists and theorists made an impact on the Chinese
avant-garde beginning in the mid 70s and continuing to the present.
Matteo Ricci and the Jesuit Influence
China's first contact with Western painting was certainly one loaded
with religious and political motives, but nonetheless the Jesuits do
get credit for introducing the medium to China.
The first oil paintings were brought by Matteo Ricci in 1601, when
Ricci offered gifts to the emperor in Beijing. Thomas H. C. Lee
explains inChina and Europe: Images and Influences in Sixteenth to
Eighteenth Centuries, that there were quite a large number of Western
paintings in China in the late Ming Dynasty. Though there were no
works by the great masters, the priests brought over illustrated books
featuring Renaissance and Baroque images, which were passed between
friends (mostly Christian converts in Nanjing and Beijing) (2).
Those who had access to such images were generally fascinated with the
realism – the use of western perspective techniques and chiaroscuro.
The Chinese term for the paintings 凹凸画 autuhua which translates
roughly as "concave/convex" painting captures this fascination with
the three-dimensional (3).
A few painters such as Zeng Qing, managed to draw something of Western
realism into his technique although he was painting in ink:
He painted portraits the looked like reflections of
the models in a mirror, capturing wonderfully their spirit and
feelings. His coloring was deeply rich. The eye pupils were dotted for
the effects of animation; although [the faces] were only on paper and
silk, they would glare and gaze, kit their eyebrows or smile, in a
manner alarmingly like real people (4).
Yet not everyone was supportive of these forms and criticized Western
painting is wholly mathematical, technical and the work of mere
artisans or in the words of Zou Yigui (Tsou I-kuei):
The Westerners are skilled in geometry, and
consequently there is no the slightest mistake in their way of
rendering light and shade [yang-yin] and distance (near and far). When
they paint houses on a wall people are tempted to walk into them . . .
Students of painting may well take over one or two points from them to
make their own paintings more attractive to the eye. But these
painters . . . are simply artisans (5).
Despite this kind of scorn from court artists, the Jesuits actually
managed to train a number of Chinese artists in this style so that
they could help produce for the needs of the church. Artists such as
Yu Wen-hui / You Wenhui 游文辉, who had studied oil painting from a
Jesuit in Japan, produced a portrait of Ricci along with what would
later become sought-after paintings of religious scenes, which were
hung in China's Christian churches at the time (6).
Towards the end of the 17th century, Western painting in China gained
momentum due to the reign of Emperor Kangxi who was supportive of
Western science. A school of Sino-Western painting was born through
the efforts of artist Jiao Bingzhen – who produced a series of
illustrations of rice cultivation which would help spread an
understanding of Western perspectival drawing techniques. Western
painting received another boost in 1736, with the Qing Imperial
Painting Academy, established by emperor Qianlong. The academy trained
literati painters in Western techniques, which they would bring with
them when they returned to their home cities (7).
While at in the beginning of the Jesuit era, the introduction of
Western painting had a distinctive religious motive – the magically
realistic paintings won many converts in China as they did in the West
– its promotion and dissemination in the late 17th century happened
increasingly through the efforts of the Chinese court.
The "export painters," of the 19th century however introduced a more
one-sided commerce driven form of exchange. At that time, artists in
Macao, Guangdong and Hong Kong were working more-or-less as hired
hands producing paintings for consumption abroad – a precursor to
Shenzhen's Dafen painter's village.
Author Fa-ti Fan lays out the scene for us inBritish Naturalists in
Qing China: Science, Empire and Cultural Encounter:
According to one account from the 1830s, there were
about thirty studios of export painting in the neighborhood of the
foreign factories alone. . . . The trades were usually family run,
passed down from generation to generation . . . A painting might pass
through several hands before it was completed. One artisan traced the
outline, another drew in the figures, a third man painted the
background and so on. . . . The finished paintings were shipped to
Europe by the crateful, as well as carried home as souvenirs by
Western visitors (8).
These works mostly consisted of serially produced landscapes and
colonial flavored scenes of everyday life – tea picking and silk
production. Other subjects included ships – a craze driven by the
British and their interest in shipbuilding technology.
Chinese painters also produced quite a number of portraits of monarchs
or saints that, though lacking the identifiable facial features, often
were given some kind of prop as to be recognizable by their buyers
(9). Many of these artists working in Guangdong and Macau were
inspired by Western painters such as George Chinnery, Auguste Bourget,
William Prinsep, Thomas Watson and Charles Wirgman, who were based in
China and other parts of Asia. But China also produced its own
masters, painters such as Tinqua, who amassed large numbers of
assistants and worked in assembly line studios as described above.
Though this business model made a great impact on the livelihood of
the painters involved, it failed to make an impact on "fine art" per
se. This says art historian Michael Sullivan is largely a result of
the kind of foreigners involved in the painting trade. While the
Jesuits made efforts to have exchanges with educated Chinese, the
merchants involved in export painting made no such overtures (10).
Tushanwan Arts and Crafts School
Throughout the export painting era, China's Jesuits, nonetheless
maintained a presence. Shanghai was the center of Jesuit activity in
China and in the mid 19th century, the Tushanwan Arts and Crafts
School had a great influence in introducing a broad range of Western
art techniques and creating educational materials for Chinese student
– which would help plant the seeds of modern painting in China.
Originally a Jesuit run orphanage, Tushanwan introduced an art
training studio at the initiative of father Joannes Ferrer in 1852.
There orphans learned wood carving techniques, Western oil painting
techniques, printing technology and stain glass manufacturing, skills
which they could later use to gain employment.
The school also produced several drawing and painting manuals and is
known to be the first place in China where Western painting was taught
in a systematic way. Teaching methods included asking students to copy
models to learn how to accurately render the human form in
three-dimensional perspective (11). Though these may seem like basic
staples of any drawing class, these techniques were wholly foreign to
students used the rather schematic renderings of the human figure
typical of Chinese painting.
Of course, there was still a motive present in the Jesuits activities
– the subjects were often overtly religious and served the needs of
the church. Many works were hung on church walls and sold to private
buyers. Still Tushanwan artists gained international recognition for
the quality technical quality of their work, and the Jesuit priests
offered an important chance for non-orphans, artists such as Xu
Beihong and Xu Yongqing, to be schooled Western painting techniques
(12).
Study Abroad and the Growth of Western Art Academies in Shanghai
One Tushanwan student, Zhou Xiang, even started up his own painting
school in 1911, the first Western painting school, which specialized
in painting backdrops for photography studios. Other students were
self-taught, scrounging whatever materials they could find to paint –
advertisements and images from periodical magazines bought at the used
bookstores which used to line Peking Road.
In 1912, Liu Haisu, a huge figure in the history of Chinese art (yet a
namesake to a woeful museum in Shanghai's western suburb of Hongqiao),
opened up a school which in 1915 would become the Shanghai Painting
and Art Institute—at the tender age of 17. Liu Haisu was renowned not
only for his vigorous brushwork, but also for displaying nude
paintings and introducing life drawing classes at the institute. The
first model was a 15 year-old-boy, but Liu Haisu was later able to
find a Russian model to pose for the students. This act incurred the
wrath of a local warlord and much criticism from the church. The idea
of painting the human body proved to be far too much for the still
conservative post-Qing Dynasty sensibility, but Liu Haisu's mission
was rescued by the arrival of Chiang Kai-shek and the nationalists who
promoted more open modern attitudes towards art and education.
Shanghai also saw other school openings as with Wu Shikuang's
Institute of Pictorial Art in 1914 and in Xujiahui, the Jesuits still
had a role teaching French landscape techniques through the Université
Aurore in 1919.
Shanghai's foreign presence actually played a big role in this early
dialogue between China and Western art, says Shanghai-based critic and
playwright Zhao Chuan, "In the case of Shanghai, French art had a big
impact. The French Concession had a strong cultural impact; the other
concessions were more commercial. In the 30s, lots of artists went to
France and Belgium to study (13)." The French concession was home to a
small group of intellectuals who were painting in the styles of
Cubism, Fauvism and Symbolism, and in the 30s there were a number of
magazines such as Yishu Xunkan, Yifeng and Yishu which helped spread
an understanding of Surrealism as best as could be done through
translation (14).
In terms of overseas exchanges, most students headed for France or
Japan, a few Chinese students whose families emigrated to the US ended
up studying art there. It was only later in the 1990s that the
US-based Chinese artists would exert a much more important artistic
influence. This large exodus abroad actually began as early as the
1870s and was further pushed along by the end of the war in Europe and
the internationalism of the May Fourth Movement, which emphasized the
need to broaden horizons.
New Institutions and a Manifesto in Beijing
Beijing was also a very influential entry port for Western painting,
with figures such as Cai Yuanpei, being instrumental in providing
affordable art education. Known as an inspired educator and scholar,
Cai Yuanpei established a school for those who couldn't afford
painting called the After Hours Painting Research Society (1918), and
later Beijing University followed his lead with the Common People's
Night School (1920).
Beijing, at that time, attracted a number of foreign artists, such as
a French artist, André Claudot, who in turn became inspired by Chinese
ink drawing, and there was also the Czech artist, Vojtech Chytil, who
helped facilitate artists Wang Meng and Sun Shida to study at the
Prague Academy of Art.
But political tides were turning in Beijing and after 50 professors
were arrested due to their "radical" ideas, Lin Fengmian and others
fled elsewhere. Before they departed in May 1927, they convened for
the great Beijing art meeting where they issued the following
manifesto, which declared their belief in a new philosophy of art:
Down with the tradition of copying!
Down with the art of the aristocratic minority!
Down with the antisocial art that is divorced from the masses!
Up with the creative art that represent the times!
Up with the people's art that stands at the crossroads (15).
Interestingly enough, it would take the masses some time before they
really began to accept these art forms, though there was growing
interest in Western painting in Shanghai.
Still the manifesto indicated a strong rejection of the traditional
elitist approach to art – where much of an artist's training entailed
imitating the masters – and advocated a realistic reflection upon the
travails of modern life. This contrasted sharply with the traditional
ink-painting philosophy, which dictated that one should elicit a moral
and philosophical ideal through idealized depictions of nature.
Southern Chinese Schools
After leaving Beijing, Wu Fading and Lin Fengmian opened up the
National Hangzhou Arts Academy with Cai Yuanpei 1928, which is the
predecessor to CAA in Hangzhou. Soon there were art schools all across
the Yangtze River Delta including Suzhou and Nanjing.
Guangdong as well received a start in Western painting from the help
of returnees Ren Ruiyao and Hu Gentian (who both studied in Japan) and
Feng Gangbai (who studied in San Francisco). Together they founded the
Red society Chishi 赤社 in 1921, which despite the name had no Communist
connotations and mostly produced rather tame portraits and landscapes.
Other smaller departments were started up in Fujian, Chengdu,
Chongqing and Wuxi (16).
Early Japanese Influence
At this time much of the influence of Western art styles was filtered
through Japan in the form of Japanese teachers in China, students
going abroad (there were over 1,000 of such students in the 1900s) and
Japanese language translations of Western art books. Such translations
included texts such as the Futurist Manifesto by F. T. Marinetti (17).
In Shanghai artists and intellectuals gathered to exchange modern
ideas at the Uchiyama Shoten bookstore (18). Uchiyama Kanzo, the
bookstore's owner was seen as the most important figure in the Sino
Japanese literary dialogue. The bookstore was located on Sichuan Lu
and stocked a selection of books, which included Japanese translations
of Western law texts, Western literature translated to Japanese and a
huge selection of books on Marxism. Most of the Chinese clients of the
bookstore were students who had lived abroad in Japan and the store
became a kind of literary salon, where Uchiyama frequently organized
meetings between Chinese and Japanese writers (19). The bookstore was
almost a second home to Lu Xun, who was a daily visitor. Uchiyama
Shoten also served as his poste restante for politically sensitive
mail, and Uchiyama frequently harbored the writer when he took refuge
there from the secret police (20).
In 1902 when Western drawing and painting techniques were incorporated
into school curriculums, from primary right through to college, rafts
of Japanese teachers were brought over to China to help in the task of
instruction (21), but during the May Fourth Movement, many students
made a political statement by turning away from Japanese artists,
teachers and institutions (22).
Despite this anti-Japanese sentiment, the Japanese would later become
influential in China's woodcut movement when Lu Xun invited 13
students from Shanghai to learn woodcutting techniques from artist
Uchiyama Kakichi. Lu Xun helped spread awareness of the medium through
his collection of Japanese and Russian woodcuts and following the
Japanese invasion Uchiyama's Chinese disciples spread their techniques
throughout China some working in Yan'an and other sites of
revolutionary activity (23).
The woodcuts had a folksy roughness to them meshed with Communist
goals of proletariat outreach and they were also cheap and easy to
produce for rapid dissemination. The socially conscious subject
matter, strong graphic style and gripping drama they possessed would
have a great impact on the more realistic ideological imagery found in
propaganda posters.
Early Soviet Influence
The exchanges with the Soviet Union, though ideologically charged,
nonetheless would have a momentous impact on Chinese contemporary art
with the adoption of Socialist Realism as a dominant style from the
50s until the late 70s.
A group called the Wanderers (also known as the Society for Itinerant
Art Exhibitions), operating in the late 19th to early 20th century
would have a great impact on in terms of both style and subject
matter. These artists roamed the countryside depicting scenes of
everyday life (particularly the hardships), an idea which coincided
with Maoist ideas about going out to the countryside for re-education
and also paralleled the actions of the woodcut artists.
Julie F. Andrews writes of the influence Wanderer Konstantin Maksimov,
who was the first Soviet painter sent on official exchange in 1955.
The event was lauded by artist Jian Feng:
Comrade Makismov's arrival in China enables us to
directly and systematically study the advanced artistic experience in
the USSR. We believe that under Maksimov's direction, our art
education work and training of our painting teachers will bring forth
extraordinarily important and valuable contributions (24).
Competition to get into Maksimov's classes was intense and those who
made the cut had it made, finding prominent positions in art
institutions when they returned home from their studies.
Maksimov's painting was not the polished realism we associate with
much Socialist Realist poster art but a more expressive style, which
incorporated blocks of color; this style was also picked up by Chinese
students who had gone abroad to Leningrad to study at the Repin Art
Academy. Maksimov's legacy not only had an impact upon students who
studied with him but on the Chinese art world as a whole. His approach
to colors; his view that students should specialize in one particular
theme; his introduction of complicated compositions typical of Chinese
socialist realist history painting; and his methodical approach to
teaching all contributed to the level of technical skill achieved by
Chinese art students today (25).
Limited Information Exchange in the 70s and 80s
When China's artistic realm began to liberalize in the 70s and 80s,
there was a flourishing of different forms of early modern painting
everything from Cubism, to Fauvism to Impressionism. But though there
was again a hunger to explore Western painting styles, access to
information was funneled through relatively few channels.
Wu Liang, a critic and editor of cultural journalShanghai Culture
describes the scene for us, "For one, the exchange students of that
era were few, most visitors to the West were those traveling short
term on government official trips – they would go to the Louvre and
come back and write about what they had seen."
Having little access to works of contemporary art, many artists had to
rely on often-shoddy reproductions, with poor detail and distorted
colors. Says Wu Liang "I saw the Impressionist reproductions, and then
after when I went to the US and saw the real works by Monet and Van
Gogh. I realized that the reproductions I saw before were very simple
reproductions. To see the techniques, brushstrokes and the
relationships between the colors you need to see the original (26)."
Sitting in his office located in the ivy-clad writer's club on Julu
Lu, Wu Liang recounts a story of Chen Danqing, who happened upon a
painting of a woman on the back of playing card and then painted his
own version. Although initially quite pleased with the result, he felt
despondent after seeing original works of the same genre in the flesh
during a trip abroad says Wu Liang, "He said, 'I can't paint. These
are so well done; how can I paint anything?'" (27)
Still as chances to go abroad were few and cameras and photocopies
were still quite expensive, art books were always a hot commodity
writes Zhao Chuan in his article, "Past Events of Shanghai: 20th
Century Radical Art in Shanghai." (28)
"Yu Youhan lent a book of Maurice Utrillo to Ding Yi. Because he had
only just met Ding Yi, he only lent the book to him for one day. The
book was brought back from an exhibition in Japan and had already
passed through many pairs of hands. This kind of book was only
available at the Shanghai Artist's Association. Ding Yi took it to the
cafeteria and painted 10 works in one night. On the canvas were the
simple compositions, which would become the starting point for his
later "Appearance of Crosses" series.
Zhao Chuan remarks that the Shanghai Artists Association 上海美术家协会 was
one of the few places which had a good collection of catalogues and
served as a meeting place for friends to exchange materials.
At the time artists were desperate for information about Western art.
Says Zhao Chuan, "In the 70s in the Shanghai Theater Academy, the
library was only open to the profs, so artists such as Zhang Jianjun
had to ask for special permission to go in. The profs would let them
in and lock the door so no one could see that they were in there."
(29)
Magazines in the 80s Provide Access to Images of Western Art
In the 80s Magazines like Meishu Yicong, Shijie Yishu and Xiongshi
Meishu (Hsiung Shih Art Monthly) would greatly enlarge access to
Western art, though reproductions often left something to be desired
says Wu Liang, "Xiongshi Meishu from Taiwan had the best reproductions
because the printing technology in Taiwan was better at that time than
in China. Also it used this kind of Taiwanese Chinese, which didn't
have the kind of prejudices or the same personality. Because Taiwanese
had done a lot of exchanges abroad, they wouldn't overreact to
something that was foreign and new, they were less excited about these
things." (30)
Here Wu Liang points at the issue of filtering, how information about
Western art was presented in a different way – as something not
extremely foreign but nonetheless written for an audience that was not
ultimately familiar with the material.
Live Transmission: Limited Person-to-Person Contact in the 80s
While in the 20s Lin Fengmian was greeted in Shanghai with a banner
reading "Welcome President Lin," announcing his appointment to the
Beijing Academy, artists who returned from abroad in the 80s were not
initially lauded as pioneers. Says Wu Liang, "In the Nationalist era,
we felt we had to study because the country was backward. Liu Haisu
came back and started up schools – they had a lot of freedom, but in
the 80s it was different. In the 80s they didn't come back. Now the
sea turtles [returnees] come back because there are certain policies
or can get certain treatment." (31)
It was not until the mid-late 2000s that we started seeing the return
of artists who had been working abroad, but only a few took teaching
positions. Xu Bing made an impact through his appointment as
vice-president of the China Central Academy of Fine Arts in 2008 and
Chen Danqing returned to teach at Qinghua for a stint in 2000, but
quit in 2005 citing great frustration with the Chinese education
system, which required art students to pass English exams.
Other returnees, such as Ai Weiwei who came back in 93, provided
inspiration to young artists, transmitting ideas (such as art's
capacity to make political statements) to the artists who worked with
them in their ever-expanding studios and to the community at large.
Starting in the 90s Westerners who were living in China also helped
provide knowledge of not only the art of the West but also more
practical resources says Zhao Chuan, "The system, was a Western
system, Western curators, Western gallerists, through their support,
they helped us build our own system. Most of these resources were from
abroad. We started to learn through this how to install, how to make
works. In the 90s we were always looking at catalogues and dialoguing
with foreign curators, seeing slide shows, and learning how to
participate in Chinese contemporary art." (32)
Curators such as Hans Van Dijk affectionately known by artists as lao
hanse, is largely viewed as the first important curator and critic in
Chinese contemporary art. Van Dijk counseled artists about their works
and held small-scale exhibitions in his apartment in Beijing in the
early 90s (33). Other curators who made an impact in the early days
included Jean-Hubert Martin, whose "Les Magiciens de La Terre," (1989)
was the first major exhibition to feature Chinese contemporary artists
abroad and Harald Szeemann would make an even larger impact in 1999 by
introducing Cai Guoqiang (and his Rent Collection Courtyard) to the
Venice Biennale in 1999.
Coming Up Next
The focus on this article is largely on the means of transmission of
information – the people, publications and institutions involved and
how information was transmitted. In the second article, we will look
more at the aesthetic impact of these influences from the 70s onward –
to cover the landmark Western art exhibitions and figures such as
Tapies, Rauschenberg and Koons who left their mark (or in the case of
Koons a blemish) on Chinese contemporary art.
(1) The reverse influence of Chinese art in the West is also a very valid topic
(2) Thomas H. C. Lee, China and Europe: Images and Influences in
Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries, Chinese University of Hong Kong,
Hong Kong, 1991, p 254.
(3) Thomas H. C. Lee, China and Europe: Images and Influences in
Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries, Chinese University of Hong Kong,
Hong Kong, p255
(4) Thomas H. C. Lee, pp 257-258.
(5) Michael, Sullivan, The Meeting of Eastern and Western Art,
University of California Press, Berkeley, 1989, p 80
(6) David E. Mungello, The Great Encounter of China and the West,
1500-1800, p 42
(7) John W. O'Malley, S.J., Gauvin Alexander Bailey, Steven J. Harris,
and T. Frank Kennedy,The Jesuits II: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts,
1540-1773, University of Toronto Press: Toronto, 2006 p 263
(8) British Naturalists in Qing China: Science, Empire and Cultural
Encounter, President and Fellows of Harvard College, USA, 2004, p 48
(9) Christina Baird, Liverpool China Traders, Peter Lang International
Academic Publishers: Bern, 2007, p 110
(10) Sullivan, p 82
(11) Selling happiness: calendar posters and visual culture in
early-twentieth... By Ellen Johnston Laing, p 63
(12) Michael Sullivan, Art and Artists of Twentieth-century China, p 30
Michael Sullivan, Art and Artists of Twentieth-century China, p 42
(13) From a interview between Rebecca Catching and Zhao Chuan held in
Shanghai in August 2010.
(14) Michael Sullivan, Chinese Art in the XX Century, p 52
(15) Michael Sullivan, Art and Artists of Twentieth-Century China, p 44
(16) Michael Sullivan, Art and Artists of Twentieth-century China, p 45-52
(17) "Points of Encounter – a Timeline to Be Completed," Defne Ayas,
with contributions by Leo Xu, Francesca Tarocco and Matthieu
Borysevicz
(18) "Points of Encounter – a Timeline to Be Completed," Defne Ayas,
with contributions by Leo Xu, Francesca Tarocco and Matthieu
Borysevicz
(19) Christopher T. Keaveney, Beyond Brushtalk: Sino-Japanese Literary
Exchange in the Interwar Period, p28-30
(20) Lydia H. Liu, Trans-lingual Practice: Literature National Culture
and Translated Modernity China, 1900-1937, Stanford University Press,
1995, p
(21) Michael Sullivan, Art and Artists of Twentieth-century China, p 27
(22) Michael Sullivan, Chinese Art in the XX Century, p 46
(23) Julia F. Andrews and Kuiyi Shen, "China 5000 Years," exhibition
texthttp://kaladarshan.arts.ohio-state.edu/Exhibitions/5000YearsText.html
(24) Julia Frances Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People's
Republic of China, 1949-1979, p 152
(25) By Julia Frances Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People's
Republic of China, 1949-1979, p 155
(26) Julia Frances Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People's
Republic of China, 1949-1979, p 152
(27) From an interview conducted by Rebecca Catching with Wu Liang in
Shanghai, August 2010
(28) Zhao Chuan, "Shanghai, Past Events", Shanghai, Culture, 2009, p 86
(29) From an interview conducted by Rebecca Catching with Wu Liang in
Shanghai, August 2010
(30) From an interview conducted by Rebecca Catching with Wu Liang in
Shanghai, August 2010
(31) From an interview conducted by Rebecca Catching with Wu Liang in
Shanghai, August 2010
(32) Interview conducted by Rebecca Catching with Zhao Chuan in August 2010
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