Showing posts with label urban change. Show all posts
Showing posts with label urban change. Show all posts

Thursday, January 31, 2008

PEOPLE'S NEWSLETTER ARCHIVE

PEOPLE'S NEWSLETTER ARCHIVE

And now for those who cannot get enough of our semi-monthly newsletter, we are pleased to announce our People's Architecture Newsletter Archive, hosted forever on our servers for your nonstop viewing enjoyment!


BUILDING ASIA BRICK BY BRICK
2007 SHENZHEN & HONG KONG BI-CITY BIENNALE OF URBANISM | ARCHITECTURE
CITY OF EXPIRATION AND REGENERATION - "CoER"
NORTHERN PARK OF OCT-LOFT | NANSHAN DISTRICT | SHENZHEN
DECEMBER 8, 2007 - MARCH 9, 2008

people's architecture and ArtAsiaPacific will present Building Asia Brick by Brick at the 2007 Shenzhen & Hong Kong Bi-City Biennale of Urbanism | Architecture.

During the Shenzhen Biennale, "Building Asia Brick by Brick | Teach Through Play" will invite Shenzhen youngsters and architects to first build an oversized Map of China. The subsequent construction of cities on this map is based on the French salon game of "Rotating Corpse," where a group of players collectively assemble a story or image. Here, each collaborator adds to the composition without being allowed to see the previous contribution. Each team of architects and children will contribute a section to an imaginary city that represents both diverse aesthetic sensibilities and principals of community. The final product is both a vision of China and the act of modeling the inter-generational teamwork necessary to create tomorrow's community.

For more information, please see our video >>

_____________________________________ CHINA GLOBAL


SYMPOSIUM | EXPORTING CHINA
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY | NEW YORK CITY

FEBRUARY 16, 2008

For the past two decades China's economic growth has created seemingly endless opportunities for international architects to impose their vision on China's built environment. What has yet to be fully experienced is the reciprocating effect of Chinese contemporary culture on the spatial production worldwide. EXPORTING CHINA will discuss the future potential of exporting China's contemporary culture. More info >>

Participants include:

YUNG HO CHANG : Principal Architect, Atelier Feichang Jianzhu, Professor and Head, Architecture Department, MIT Professor and Founding Head, Graduate Center of Architecture, Peking University

QINGYUN MA : Dean of the USC School of Architecture and holder of the Della and Harry MacDonald Dean's Chair in Architecture, Principal Architect, MADA s.p.a.m. (strategy, planning, architecture, media), Shanghai, China

ACKBAR ABBAS : Professor, Comparative Literature, UC Irvine

DOREEN HENG LIU : Principal and Founding Architect, NODE Architecture, Guangzhou and Hong Kong

________________________________________ CHINA CURRENT


EVERYONE LOVES CCTV

Reporting on the OMA designed China Central Television headquarters building in Beijing, Arup presents an easily digestible diagram of CCTV's major construction process. USA Today profiles the tower, compares it to the Pentagon, and paints a portrait of the backstage accolades and dissentions from Chinese and Europeans- at whatever role their involvement lies.


EVERYONE LOVES THE WFC, TOO

To segue from the article above, Shanghaiist brings us the tale of several urban adventurists who scaled the Kohn Pederson Fox-designed and still-under-construction Shanghai World Financial Center to bring us amazing photos of Shanghai views, tower construction, and their crazy selves.


INTERVIEW WITH QINGYUN MA

Ali Jeevanjee, via Archinect, interviews Qingyun Ma in three parts. From the author: "In Part 1 we focus on his practice, and his observations from operating first in the East and now in the West. In Part 2 we discuss the future of the urban condition, both in China and in Los Angeles. In Part 3, Ma addresses architectural education, how architects need to recalibrate their role in society, and his vision for USC."


CHINA'S EMERGING STREETSCAPE

China Digital Times, via MSNBC, features a video clip profiling China's overcrowding streets due to the exponential growth in auto ownership and the government practices going into effect in order to mediate this condition. Outside of the infrastructural analysis, the Washington Post features an article describing an emerging shift as more urban Chinese adopt car culture with a sense of increased mobility and connectedness.



Sunday, January 20, 2008

FOTOFEST2008-CHINA

http://www.fotofest.org

FotoFest’s 12th edition of the International Biennial of Photography and Photo-related Art, presents work by 34 Chinese artists, March 7- April 20, 2008 in Houston, Texas. Photography from China 1934-2008 features ten newly commissioned and curated exhibitions, including two recently recovered archives from the 1930s and 1940s. The China programs are a cornerstone of FOTOFEST2008, the six-week. city-wide celebration of photo-based art.

In addition to these exhibitions, FOTOFEST2008 presents a symposium on twentieth century Chinese Photography with Chinese scholars GU Zheng, (Fudan University, Shanghai) and CAO Tai, (Guangdong Museum, Guangzhou) as well as a film program, New Cinema in China, with the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston (MFAH) and the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). Forty Chinese artists and curators will attend FOTOFEST2008, its acclaimed portfolio review for artists; the Fine Print Auction; professional workshops; and the special presentation by Hewlett-Packard (HP) of new printing technology for
art work.

The Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, the Menil Collection, Houston Center for Photography and the Holocaust Museum Houston are among 100 other organizations presenting exhibitions as part of FOTOFEST2008. Many of their exhibitions continue the China focus and the ancillary subject of Transformations as well as their own independent themes.

Photography from China 1934-2008, FotoFest’s exhibition program for FOTOFEST2008, reveals the diversity of roles and styles that have shaped photographic art over the past 74 years in China.

ETHNOGRAPHY, PHOTOJOURNALISM AND PROPAGANDA, 1934-1975
Reflecting a growing interest by the Chinese in the peoples and politics of China’s western border regions near Tibet, ZHUANG Xueben (1909-1984) began traveling to China’s far-western border regions in 1934. His work from 1934-1939 is one of the earliest and most serious photographic examinations of ethnic minorities in these regions. FOTOFEST2008 is the first time this work is being shown outside of China.

In 1937, at the age of 25, Sha Fei (1912-1950) had himself assigned to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) 8th Route Army during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945). Sha Fei photographed combat and training with the Chinese forces allied with CHIANG Kai-shek, against the Japanese. He set up pictorial magazines to publicize the 8th Route Army and its work in rural villages, and he organized a mass media system that became a principal part of the CCP’s propaganda system for the next 20 years, through the 1970s. After Sha Fei’s controversial execution in 1950, his work was blacklisted until the late l980s when his family and colleagues succeeded in rehabilitating his name. FOTOFEST2008 exhibits the newly recovered work of Sha Fei for the first time outside of China.

Editors and photographers trained by Sha Fei during the war became leaders of major CCP pictorial news media and propaganda agencies, using photography as one of the primary media promoting Chairman MAO Zedong’s agenda during The Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). The exhibition curated by James and Vicky Chen, founders of 798 Gallery, one of Beijing’s most respected photography galleries, shows how photography was choreographed to promote the message of collective solidarity. The exhibit, commissioned by FotoFest, features three photographers working for news publications during The Cultural Revolution: WENG Nai Qiang, XIAO Zuang, and WANG Shi Long.

INDEPENDENT DOCUMENTARY PHOTOGRAPHY, 1985-2000
In the mid-1980s, a new generation of Chinese photographers began to produce strong personal bodies of photo-documentary work outside official media and news agencies. The first to gain international prominence was WU Jialin with his work on Yunnan province. A chance discovery of this work by FotoFest co-founder Frederick Baldwin at Marc Riboud’s Paris apartment led to his first exhibition in Western art world at FOTOFEST1996.

Two subsequent generations of photographers continue to develop independent approaches to documentary work. LU Nan’s, interest in the ethics of social interaction, led him to photograph the institutionalization of the mentally ill and underground Catholic communities in China. LI Lang’s early poetic work with the Yi People in central-western China has led to his current work exploring the human imprint on China’s landscape.

CONCEPTUAL AND STAGED WORK - NEW PHOTO, 1993-1998
In 1996, two Beijing artists, RongRong and LIU Zheng founded the influential New Photo magazine, an independent, underground publication that circulated in Beijing’s art circles. The magazine signaled a burgeoning Chinese interest in photography as a medium of contemporary art and marked an important turning point in the development of contemporary photography in China. FOTOFEST2008 presents this new exhibition for the first time outside of China, with 15 artists published in New Photo magazine. The exhibit is curated by ZHANG Li and organized by Three Shadows Photography Art Centre
in Beijing.

CONCEPTUAL AND STAGED WORK - CURRENT PERSPECTIVES, 1998-2008
Individual shows of 11 current, multi-disciplinary Chinese artists address issues of identity, memory, spirituality, gender, urbanism, and the complex relationships between the present and the past in contemporary China. Designed as a series of one-person exhibitions, these shows feature BAI Yiluo, CANG Xin, CHENG Lingyang, XING Danwen, LIU Lijie, LIU Ren, SUN Guojuan, WANG Chuan, WU Gaozhong, YAO Lu, and ZENG Han.

For more details on FOTOFEST2008 exhibitions and other programs please visit http://www.fotofest.org

Press contacts:
Vinod Hopson – 713.223.5522 x26, press3@fotofest.org
Janice Van Dyke Walden – 713.223.5522 x12, janice@vandykewalden.com

Sunday, August 26, 2007

“Tools” by Zhang Ding

ShanghART Gallery

50 Moganshan Rd., Bldg.18-A, Shanghai

Reception: Tuesday, 4 Sept., 2007, 6-8 pm

Daily: 1-6 pm except Mondays

On Septembre 4th, 2007, ShanghART will present the video and
installation exhibition "Tools" by young artist Zhang Ding, in the
temporary space between the buildings 16 and 18 (H Space), in 50
Moganshan Road.

Zhang Ding is born in 1980 inGansu, China. His past artworks mainly
focus with subjective naturalism on marginal urban culture, such as
people, events, objects: an old homosexual transvestite, a confused
young Muslim, missing people's notices, an abandoned amusement park, a
crazy man…. Through the perspective of Zhang Ding, the reality's
details, coexisting with booming cities but easy to ignore, are
exposed: gloomy, dilapidated, chaotic, and vigorous.

"Tools" is an allegorical fairyland created by Zhang Ding to respond to
this marginal world. Cactus here become the main props/tools, metaphor
of a nidering and doggedly resistant life. We can see this plant
anywhere, but their multiple thorns don't allow us to approach them.
Zhang Ding fights against that, trying to find the possible ways of
communication with this life, using violence or dialog? Cruel beating
and frozen cutting don't destroy cactus as much as water, even though
gentle and beautiful. Water pours from ten watering pots, lining out
parabolas and hosing a cactus. Mud splatters around while the liquid
spreads all over the floor. Beside this series of cactus is displayed a
group of unnatural industrial products: 24 olive green refrigerators
filled with loud-hailers, and an old style detonator which can trigger
a deafening explosion noise, giving you a sudden feeling that you are
in the world of the "Flowers of Evil".

Latest Update on Creative Clusters

http://www.shmag.cn/feature/planning_creativity

Planning for Creativity
Fri, 2007-08-10 12:00 — Renee Chen

Shanghai is awash with creative spaces, part of a plan to develop the
city's creative industries. Renee Chen finds out more about the
makeover.

Although Tianzifang (Taikang Lu), M50 (50 Moganshan Lu), and Bridge 8
are already landmarks on the city map, their relatively recent arrival
marks the beginning of a new era in our cultural development. Until
now, we knew them simply as cool buildings, or areas in which to have
coffee, go shopping, or visit art exhibitions. But today, developments
like these are being heralded as the new seats of Shanghai's creative
industries.

Their growth hasn't gone unnoticed. Shanghai's creative businesses
generated ¥54.91 billion more in 2005 than in 2004, and back in
December 2004, this burgeoning success led the Shanghai government to
announce a policy designed to identify and develop other creative
spaces around the city. According to He Zengqiang, Secretary General of
the Shanghai Creative Industry Center (SCIC), "A creative industry
indicates that it is based on creative thought and an intensity of
knowledge. Supporting them will lead to an increase in job
opportunities in these fields."

In addition to revenue, it is the hope of transforming the local
economy from a manufacturing to a service industry that further compels
the government to push the trend. Shanghai's serious economic
development began with the influx of foreigners during the middle of
the 19th century, and as industry built a solid foundation, a mass
stock of industrial capital was erected, shaping the city's landscape.
But after 164 years of economic ebbing and flowing, many of these once
bustling factories fell victim to what the noted Austrian economist
Joseph Schumpeter called "creative destruction." They lie dormant now,
but are primed for a new life.

"There are over 30 million square meters of old and idle factory space
in Shanghai, but unlike the newer office buildings, they have a history
that gives a full sense of our culture," says He. The SCIC helps to
invest and renovate this glut of old factory space, while keeping the
cost down to as little as ¥1 per square meter in areas such as Hongkou
district. "We did a study this May which found the average rent for old
warehouses and factories is ¥2.75 per square meter per day, which is
much cheaper than office buildings," says He. "This price is perfect
for those with a creative streak."

Although the big name areas such as Taikang Lu get most of the
attention, there are already 75 such creative clusters in Shanghai,
involving 3,000 companies and 27,000 employees and covering industries
such as R&D, architectural design, art, consulting, and fashion.

When creative types find a home, creative ideas are bound to follow.
Bridge 8, which opened its doors in December 2004, now has a 100
percent occupancy rate with companies from the catering, retail,
interior design, and film production industries. The number of tenants
has risen from 25 to 100, and has drawn many internationally When
creative types find a home, creative ideas are bound to follow. Bridge
8, which opened its doors in December 2004, now has a 100 percent
occupancy rate with companies from the catering, retail, interior
design, and film production industries. The number of tenants has risen
from 25 to 100, and has drawn many internationally famous studios like
ALSOP from the UK and SOM from the US. "My job is just like writing a
play," says Huang Hanhong, the CEO of the Lifestyle Consulting, Ltd.,
the operators of Bridge 8. "I want a play that can bring out the best
from its actors; in other words, its tenants. Maybe that's my
inspiration."

The success of clusters such as Bridge 8 has provided the impetus for
new projects in the city. The hugely impressive former slaughterhouse
Old Millfun, located in Hongkou district, is one of the newer projects
under construction and will be one of the largest creative centers in
Shanghai. "If you want to experience buildings typical of Shanghai in
the 1920s, you have other choices than just Xintiandi," says SCIC
undersecretary Cherry Zhou, pointing to this 1933 slaughterhouse.

And unlike Xintiandi, which razed local buildings to make way for
upscale shopping and dining, Old Millfun will keep and renovate its
original building, a vast network of concrete ramps, bridges, and
staircases, in an effort to maintain this portion of the city's
history. Meanwhile, certain modern elements will be incorporated. Old
Millfun will be finished by the end of next month, and will host the
2007 Shanghai International Creative Industry Week this November.

Apart from government supported projects, there are still independent
clusters like the Wujiaochang 800 Art Space. This brand new five-floor
building located in the university area of Wujiaochang, was developed
by Shanghai Hanqu Ltd. Besides several urban planning and architecture
design studios, 800 Art Space is mainly for art galleries. "We only
recruit professional artists, which is the very thing we pride
ourselves in, as even M50 has many personal studios," says Judy Yan,
who works for the investment department of 800 Art Space. They have
already recruited 40 studios and galleries, including ShanghART Gallery
and Shine Art Space.

The creative industry in Shanghai is so young that it's hard to compare
it with western cities which have highly developed cultural,
publishing, film, and advertising industries. Intellectual property and
market cultivation are two hurdles the creative industry will have to
clear on its way to development. "The Chinese are quite good at copying
things," says He. "If a new fashion style came out in Europe yesterday,
it will have arrived in Hong Kong today, and will travel everywhere on
the Mainland tomorrow."

Many, including the government, have now indicated that this trend must
stop. As long as the profitability stemming from a company's work is
threatened, the market will never build up the resources necessary for
its own growth – which is why so few foreign creative companies have
been willing to set down roots here.

Regarding homegrown talent, SCIC has done its bit, enacting regulations
that aim to protect the ideas coming from entrepreneurs and other
creatives. But there is a recognition that more must also be done to
nurture creativity at an earlier age. "The interests of students are
ignored by our education system, since there is too much pressure to
get into university and then land a job after graduation," sighs He.
"It just ruins young people's lives."

Fortunately, this may be changing, as educational projects are being
designed to develop students' critical thinking. Shanghai Normal
University, for example, has set up a Cultural Industry Management
course that Shanghai Jiaotong University had already been using for ten
years. A creative institute is also opening for the first time at the
Shanghai Theater Academy.

The hope is that while the government develops the city's creative
spaces into platforms for an emerging creative industry, talent will
also be nurtured to step up onto that stage.
Other creative clusters to check out

Xin Shi Gang
Formally a steel factory, this building now houses the Shanghai
Sculpture Space. Later phases will add a space for multimedia companies
and the Jiangsheng flower and plant market.
570 Huaihai Xi Lu, near Hongqiao Lu, 6280 0789.
淮海西路570 近虹桥路

Yifei Creative Street
Originally conceived by the famed-painter Chen Yifei, this 723 meter
long street on Yanggao Nan Lu will be an upscale leisure center
complimented by several international design studios.
Yanggao Nan Lu, near Jinxiu Lu.
杨高南路, 近锦绣路

Sihang Warehouse
This 1920s warehouse on Suzhou Creek houses a science and technology
cluster, as well as visual arts and architectural design studios.
21 Guangfu Lu, near Wuzhen Lu, 6380 1202.
光复路21号, 近乌镇路

Tianshan Fashion Cluster
This block was designed by the China Fashion Designers Association and
the Fashion and Art Design Institute of Donghua University. It aims to
nurture fashion businesses, as well as professional design, and
training.
1718 Tianshan Lu, near Loushanguan Lu.
天山路1718号, 近娄山关路

Y&G Art Warehouse
This renovated printing press hopes to attract artists seeking personal
studio spaces. Some contemporary painters like Ye Qiang and Liu Hong
have already moved in.
No.2, Lane 295, Xianxia Lu, near Loushanguan Lu, 5206 9176.
仙霞路295弄2号, 近娄山关路

Monday, June 25, 2007

hinese artists capitalise on avant-garde boom

By John Ruwitch at Reuters

DAFEN, China (Reuters) - It only takes two days for Chen Quan to crank out a reproduction of a Yue Minjun.

"I have done hundreds of his paintings," says the shirtless 25-year-old, his hair tied in a ponytail, referring to the Chinese artist renowned for his paintings of absurd, grinning faces.

Standing by a half-finished copy that features bald men smiling sardonically while perched in a boat on a lake, Chen adds: "Copies like this aren't really hard at all. It just takes time."

While reproductions like Chen's go for only about 250 yuan ($33) apiece in Dafen, where copies of paintings by anyone from Da Vinci to Norman Rockwell are churned out in the dozens, prices of genuine works by China's top artists are soaring.

At Sotheby's contemporary art auction in London last week seven works by some of China's top painters, including Yue and Zhang Xiaogang, raked in 4.86 million pounds ($9.68 million) -- more than double their pre-sale estimate.

Yue's 1997 oil on canvas entitled "The Pope" sold for 2.15 million pounds ($4.28 million).

Another piece by Yue, depicting an open head with a pool of blue water in which late Chinese revolutionary leader Mao Zedong is having a dip, fetched 692,000 pounds -- almost five times the high end of the pre-auction estimate.

These prices come after previous auction records were set in May at a Christie's auction in Hong Kong.

COPIES POPULAR

"Chinese art these past few years has been extremely hot," says Wei Guangqing, another well-known painter and contemporary of Yue's who serves as dean of the Hubei Institute of Fine Arts.

The appearance of knock-offs of Chinese paintings in Dafen, an urban "village" in the southern boomtown of Shenzhen known for its reproductions of Western oil paintings, is a testament to their blossoming popularity.

The streets here are lined with shops, and on second and third floors, thousands of young artists churn out phoney Van Goghs, Monets, Dalis and generic hotel room art, often in assembly lines that would have made Henry Ford proud.

Chen says reproductions of the works of Chinese contemporary big-hitters make up more than 30 percent of his small shop's sales, although the walls are covered with realist nudes and Renaissance reproductions.

Other art dealers in Dafen estimate contemporary Chinese works make up 10-20 percent of their sales, and say they have been a steady staple since demand for the paintings emerged on the Dafen scene a couple of years ago.

In theory, there are copyright issues in copying, but in reality nobody here has any problems.

"When leaders or cultural officials come they say: 'These items are copyrighted, so just don't put them on top'," says one gallery owner.

FOREIGN BUYERS

The contemporary Chinese knock-offs -- the retro-revolutionary Wang Guangyis, the precocious baby-populated Tang Zhigangs, the colourful Fang Lijuns and the sneering Yue Minjuns -- are popular with foreigners and Hong Kongers.

"These are a little alternative," says Huang Zhenyi, who tends a gallery on one of Dafen's main streets.

Clicking on computer images of Yue Minjun art that customers can order, he adds: "Many foreigners who come here know a lot about this guy, but Chinese people don't know him. They just see all those teeth and the smile and think it's funny."

At Thursday's auction, the Chinese works were bought by Asians, but not mainland Chinese, says Evelyn Lin, head of the contemporary Chinese art department at Sotheby's Asia.

But, she says, there is growing appetite for contemporary Chinese art among mainlanders.

"Chinese consumers have just started to pay attention recently ... the mainland Chinese have learned to appreciate Chinese contemporary art," Lin says.

China's fast-growing economy is buoying the art market from the rarefied stratosphere all the way down to would-be starving art students.

"All my graduate students can sell paintings these days," says Wei. "But I think they are being influenced by the market too soon ... Youth today lack a lot of experience. Their evaluations of things are realistic, practical."

In Dafen, Chen is just focused on cranking out replicas as quickly as he can. He says he doesn't have time to work on his own art but he'd like to because he is under no illusions about what he does.

"This is just a craft," he says. "It's not really art."

($1 = 7.621 yuan)

Thursday, May 24, 2007

Becoming Eurotrash

I was momentarily jolted out of the mindlessness of our usual wednesday lecture yesterday by the guest lecturer introducing us to Shi Yong. Since there's always a high chance that A.) people are skipping the class or B.) no one is paying attention, I thought it might be fruitful for me to share this information with everyone else so that should you fall into category A or B, you can still share a piece of enlightenment. I'll be concise: I think Shi Yong's faux-commercialization is brilliant.

*ahem*


(Note: original image available here). So you're probably wondering who Shi Yong is and what gender he or she might be. Ok, no problem. I have you covered there. You can blame his audience for the gender discrepency as I'll attempt to explain from my understanding. Shi Yong is a Shanghai based artist, and a certifiably male (though you can't necessarily tell by looking at his eurotrash outfit as I'll explain later). From what I can see, I would say he has introduced a fake consumerist grapple over his own image - and subsequently marketed that image by incorporating it into most if not all of his future projects. Here's where the brilliant component comes in (at least I think so): considering that Shi Yong allowed westerners to critique his art by their own sense of aesthetics, he has effectively created a sort of consumer loop in feeding it back out to them. If Europeans find Shi Yong's pieces amusing for their outlandish fashion statements and/or marketing, they have only themselves to blame because they voted on his current outfit.

And about that Eurotrash outfit...




(Note: the original images for the above and to the right available here). Ah post-colonialism and the old world! What the hell were people thinking (specifically in Vienna from 1997-1998) when they chose his outfit? The cat's out of the bag at this point, as Shi Yong has taken his newfound image and run with it as far as he can. And my oh my how far he's gone! Even with my precursory glance there appear to be some really wonderful permutations of this European-bastardized faux-commercial image. Take the image to the right for example. The idea is nothing particularly new - we're all aware that we're slaves to our jobs and that our place in society strangles us by the limitations imposed by collectivization. That's nothing new, but what separates Shi Yong from the many others who have attempted to address this topic is his blatantly artificial image. His implementation is simply suitable for the subject by using a viewer-influenced and obviously artificial image. Rather than rehash the same painting repeatedly into ad-infinium as do some other Chinese painters who shall remain anonymous, Shi Yong purposefully molds his own molded image into new wonderfully urban mutations. This is the first time I've been really intruiged by a Chinese artist for the underlying social "message" as well as aesthetic value of the work itself, and I look forward to finding more satirical Shi Yong pieces in the future. In the meantime, if I hopefully convinced anyone else to check him out, a mini-biography is available at Shanghart, and the Bizart Shi Yong gallery is available here.

Saturday, May 19, 2007

Yiwu update

Hi everyone,
I spoke to the Program Director and Professor of the Management Class last night, and it looks like the trip to Yiwu is cancelled for good, mainly b/c of logistical reasons. The best way to get there is from Hangzhou, by taking a bus. But then, I am also told a car or a van would be handy to go from one wholesale place to the other, unless one goes there only for the market. If we do not have permission to use the van of NYU, who volunteers to drive up there?

Liu Jianhua's Yiwu Report/Proposal was on view at the Shanghai Biennial past Fall.



More of his works you can find here.
Some stats:
"Yiwu, 300 kilometers away from Shanghai, is the largest market of petty commodity wholesales in the world where various foreign buyers go to place orders."

It is a "world supermarket". 3,000 booths, 10 major exhibition halls, an exhibition area of 70,000 square meters, 1,700 participating enterprises from more than 20 foreign countries and 25 domestic provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions, 12,000 overseas merchants from 120 countries and regions� Such are the latest records created by the 2005 Yiwu International Commodities Fair (hereinafter abbreviated as Yiwu Fair).

At present, there live 1.6 million people in Yiwu city; but over a million people engaged in construction and business from outside live there year in and year out. Within this small city covering only 1,105 square kilometers, there are 6,000 permanent foreign merchants from more than 100 countries and regions in the world going there to stock commodities and 566 representative offices of overseas companies approved to be established there in Yiwu.

Usually, an army of over 200,000 purchasers send out commodities to 212 countries and regions at an average scale of more than 1,000 international standard containers there each day. In 2005, the trade volume of Yiwu exceeded US$20 billion with its container exports breaking through 400,000 each day.

Without an advantaged geographical location as well as abundant products, Yiwu's comprehensive development level ranked the 17th among the top 100 counties and cities and its urban competitiveness ranked the top among all county-level cities in Zhejiang in 2004. Its per capita GDP achieved US$5,000, its fiscal revenues RMB2.95 billion, and the per capita net incomes of rural residents there RMB6,969. More surprisingly, the possession volume of cars is 26 per hundred households.

Yiwu has developed its unique advantages. The over 100,000 dealers and 200,000 coming-and-going merchants in the market of petty commodities have constituted a huge selling group and a huge buying group respectively.


More here

Sunday, April 01, 2007

Kspray


The shoe company K-Swiss is sending three graffiti dudes ("Kspray) around East Asia to promote the brand. Last night they had a shameless "live art installation" party at the Source clothing store. There was free beer.
For a look at K-Swiss cool-urban-skateboard-graffiti lifestyle, go here: http://www.flickr.com/photos/kspray/

Friday, March 30, 2007

Against Interpretation and Other Essays

Re. the excellent points Erol raised in the last class in regards to research and interpretation of works by Chinese artists, you can find more on WWSS here:

Content is a glimpse of something, an encounter like a flash. It's

very tiny -- very tiny, content. Willem de Kooning, in an
interview

It is only shallow people who do not judge by appearances. The mystery
of the world is the visible, not the invisible. Oscar Wilde, in a
letter

Against interpretation

The earliest experience of art must have been that it was
incantatory, magical; art was an instrument of ritual. (Cf. the
paintings in the caves at Lascaux, Altamira, Niaux, La Pasiega, etc.)
The earliest theory of art, that of the Greek philosophers, proposed
that art was mimesis, imitation of reality.

It is at this point that the peculiar question of the value of art
arose. For the mimetic theory, by its very terms, challenges art to
justify itself.

Plato, who proposed the theory, seems to have done so in order to rule
that the value of art is dubious. Since he considered ordinary
material things as themselves mimetic objects, imitations of
transcendent forms or structures, even the best painting of a bed
would be only an "imitation of an imitation." For Plato, art is
neither particularly useful (the painting of a bed is no good to
sleep on), nor, in the strict sense, true. And Aristotle's arguments
in defense of art do not really challenge Plato's view that all art
is an elaborate trompe l'oeil, and therefore a lie. But he does
dispute Plato's idea that art is useless. Lie or no, art has a
certain value according to Aristotle because it is a form of therapy.
Art is useful, after all, Aristotle counters, medicinally useful in
that it arouses and purges dangerous emotions.

In Plato and Aristotle, the mimetic theory of art goes hand in hand
with the assumption that art is always figurative. But advocates of
the mimetic theory need not close their eyes to decorative and
abstract art. The fallacy that art is necessarily a "realism" can be
modified or scrapped without ever moving outside the problems
delimited by the mimetic theory.

The fact is, all Western consciousness of and reflection upon art have
remained within the confines staked out by the Greek theory of art as
mimesis or representation. It is through this theory that art as such
-- above and beyond given works of art -- becomes problematic, in
need of defense. And it is the defense of art which gives birth to
the odd vision by which something we have learned to call "form" is
separated off from something we have learned to call "content," and
to the well-intentioned move which makes content essential and form
accessory.

Even in modern times, when most artists and critics have discarded the
theory of art as representation of an outer reality in favor of the
theory of art as subjective expression, the main feature of the
mimetic theory persists. Whether we conceive of the work of art on
the model of a picture (art as a picture of reality) or on the model
of a statement (art as the statement of the artist), content still
comes first. The content may have changed. It may now be less
figurative, less lucidly realistic. But it is still assumed that a
work of art is its content. Or, as it's usually put today, that a
work of art by definition says something. ("What X is saying is. . .,
" "What X is trying to say is . . .," "What X said is . . ." etc.,
etc.)

2

None of us can ever retrieve that innocence before all theory when art
knew no need to justify itself, when one did not ask of a work of art
what it said because one knew (or thought one knew) what it did. From
now to the end of consciousness, we are stuck with the task of
defending art. We can only quarrel with one or another means of
defense. Indeed, we have an obligation to overthrow any means of
defending and justifying art which becomes particularly obtuse or
onerous or insensitive to contemporary needs and practice.

This is the case, today, with the very idea of content itself.
Whatever it may have been in the past, the idea of content is today
mainly a hindrance, a nuisance, a subtle or not so subtle
philistinism.

Though the actual developments in many arts may seem to be leading us
away from the idea that a work of art is primarily its content, the
idea still exerts an extraordinary hegemony. I want to suggest that
this is because the idea is now perpetuated in the guise of a certain
way of encountering works of art thoroughly ingrained among most
people who take any of the arts seriously. What the overemphasis on
the idea of content entails is the perennial, never consummated
project of interpretation. And, conversely, it is the habit of
approaching works of art in order to interpret them that sustains the
fancy that there really is such a thing as the content of a work of
art.

3

Of course, I don't mean interpretation in the broadest sense, the
sense in which Nietzsche (rightly) says, "There are no facts, only
interpretations." By interpretation, I mean here a conscious act of
the mind which illustrates a certain code, certain "rules" of
interpretation.

Directed to art, interpretation means plucking a set of elements (the
X, the Y, the Z, and so forth) from the whole work. The task of
interpretation is virtually one of translation. The interpreter says,
Look, don't you see that X is really -- or, really means -- A? That Y
is really B? That Z is really C?

What situation could prompt this curious project for transforming a
text? History gives us the materials for an answer. Interpretation
first appears in the culture of late classical antiquity, when the
power and credibility of myth had been broken by the "realistic" view
of the world introduced by scientific enlightenment. Once the
question that haunts post-mythic consciousness -- that of the
seemliness of religious symbols -- had been asked, the ancient texts
were, in their pristine form, no longer acceptable. Then
interpretation was summoned, to reconcile the ancient texts to
"modern" demands. Thus, the Stoics, to accord with their view that the
gods had to be moral, allegorized away the rude features of Zeus and
his boisterous clan in Homers epics. What Homer really designated by
the adultery of Zeus with Leto, they explained, was the union between
power and wisdom. In the same vein, Philo of Alexandria interpreted
the literal historical narratives of the Hebrew Bible as spiritual
paradigms. The story of the exodus from Egypt, the wandering in the
desert for forty years, and the entry into the promised land, said
Philo, was really an allegory of the individual soul's emancipation,
tribulations, and final deliverance. Interpretation thus presupposes a
discrepancy between the clear meaning of the text and the demands of
(later) readers. It seeks to resolve that discrepancy. The situation
is that for some reason a text has become unacceptable; yet it cannot
be discarded. Interpretation is a radical strategy for conserving an
old text, which is thought too precious to repudiate, by revamping it.
The interpreter, without actually erasing or rewriting the text, is
altering it. But he can't admit to doing this. He claims to be only
making it intelligible, by disclosing its true meaning. However far
the interpreters alter the text (another notorious example is the
Rabbinic and Christian "spiritual" interpretations of the clearly
erotic Song of Songs), they must claim to be reading off a sense that
is already there.

Interpretation in our own time, however, is even more complex. For the
contemporary zeal for the project of interpretation is often prompted
not by piety toward the troublesome text (which may conceal an
aggression), but by an open aggressiveness, an overt contempt for
appearances. The old style of interpretation was insistent, but
respectful; it erected another meaning on top of the literal one. The
modem style of interpretation excavates, and as it excavates,
destroys; it digs "behind" the text, to find a sub-text which is the
true one. The most celebrated and influential modern doctrines, those
of Marx and Freud, actually amount to elaborate systems of
hermeneutics, aggressive and impious theories of interpretation. All
observable phenomena are bracketed, in Freud's phrase, as manifest
content. This manifest content must be probed and pushed aside to
find the true meaning -- the latent content -- beneath. For Marx,
social events like revolutions and wars; for Freud, the events of
individual lives (like neurotic symptoms and slips of the tongue) as
well as texts (like a dream or a work of art) -- all are treated as
occasions for interpretation. According to Marx and Freud, these
events only seem to be intelligible. Actually, they have no meaning
without interpretation. To understand is to interpret. And to
interpret is to restate the phenomenon, in effect to find an
equivalent for it.

Thus, interpretation is not (as most people assume) an absolute value,
a gesture of mind situated in some timeless realm of capabilities.
Interpretation must itself be evaluated, within a historical view of
human consciousness. In some cultural contexts, interpretation is a
liberating act. It is a means of revising, of transvaluing, of
escaping the dead past. In other cultural contexts, it is
reactionary, impertinent, cowardly, stifling.

4

Today is such a time, when the project of interpretation is largely
reactionary, stifling. Like the fumes of the automobile and of heavy
industry which befoul the urban atmosphere, the effusion of
interpretations of art today poisons our sensibilities. In a culture
whose already classical dilemma is the hypertrophy of the intellect
at the expense of energy and sensual capability, interpretation is
the revenge of the intellect upon art.

Even more. It is the revenge of the intellect upon the world. To
interpret is to impoverish, to deplete the world -- in order to set
up a shadow world of "meanings." It is to turn the world into this
world. ("This world"! As if there were any other.)

The world, our world, is depleted, impoverished enough. Away with all
duplicates of it, until we again experience more immediately what we
have.

Monday, March 05, 2007

Tokyo builder brings mixed-use formula to Shanghai megaproject


TOKYO: When the Shanghai World Financial Center finally rises to its planned height of 492 meters next year, the builders will be toasting more than its size.

They also will be celebrating yet another example of blending lifestyle activities like dining and entertaining into the 1,614-foot home of major banks and securities firms.

At least, one of its planners, Mori Building, sees it that way.

Shanghai's financial center is an echo of the company's flagship projects, Roppongi Hills and Atago Green Hills, both in Tokyo. "I believe it is going to be a very advanced financial city," said Minoru Mori, president of Mori Building.

The 101-story building, estimated to cost more than $850 million, will have retail space on its lower levels, offices in the middle and a five-star hotel at the top. An observation platform is being built on the 100th floor, 472 meters above the ground, to provide a panoramic view of the city and the Huangpu River.

As for the residential component, a complex of luxury apartment buildings is planned for an adjacent lot.

The Shanghai city authority, which selects the names of large facilities, does not plan to add "Hills" to the building's name.

But for Mori, the Hills concept is at work here — the company's first full- scale attempt at marketing its urban mixed-use development concept overseas. And the address for the project's Web site is www.shanghaihills.com.

Mori Construction was founded by Mori's father, Taikichiro, in 1959. Over the years it has expanded to encompass, as the company Web site www.mori.co.jp puts it, "every aspect of the urban landscape" — including redevelopment; real estate leasing and management; and cultural, art and town management.

The company's revenue for the year that ended March 31, 2006, was ¥152.7 billion, or $1.28 billion.

Until now, the company's headline project has been Roppongi Hills. The complex, which opened in 2003, has created a lasting buzz in Tokyo. During its first year it attracted more than 45 million people — or 120,000 a day — to its mixture of offices, shops, restaurants, movie theaters, a museum and open space. And, the company says, the numbers have held steady ever since.

"I receive many requests to build the 'Hills' in their local area," Mori said, referring to requests from Japanese cities like Gifu as well as other communities throughout Asia.

The company does plan to be involved in such projects. "We could serve as advisers, put up capital or help with the marketing," Mori said. "There are many ways we could be of help." But for now, he said, he is focused on the Shanghai project and on advising a mixed-use development in South Korea.

While Mori is known throughout Asia as an advocate — and builder — of mixed-use developments, the concept also has been spreading elsewhere, like Canary Wharf in London and HafenCity in Hamburg.

Roppongi Hills and other Hills projects are not unique, said Azby Brown, director of the Future Design Institute at the Kanazawa Institute of Technology in Tokyo. "It is a similar approach to that taken when someone is trying to build a new city from scratch," he said.

Mori said today's urban lifestyle demanded the integration of a whole range of human activities. "We are living in the knowledge-based society, where thinking and creating becomes the focus of our activity," he said. "Then, working and living become inseparable."

It is an environment much like that of man's early agricultural age, he said, when people lived close to their fields, "and the workmen who created the work tools and the furniture all lived nearby."

Then came the Industrial Revolution. "When factories are built in town, it creates smoke and pollution," Mori said. "The work environment was a tough one, so people couldn't be living where they worked.

"Soon, imposing strict zoning became a prerequisite for a good city," he said, artificially forcing homes, workplaces and leisure locations into different areas.

In the 21st century, though, Mori said, a daily commute between an office in the city and a home in the suburbs absorbs too much time for information-oriented white-collar professionals — and is not environmentally positive, either.

A multipurpose complex, like the Shanghai finance center or the Hills complexes, also is a winner in terms of space utilization, Mori said.

Restaurants in traditional office areas might see few customers on weekends. But if their surroundings include more than just offices — if there is shopping or other attractions like museums and hotels to create traffic on nonworking days — then they can count on weekend business, Mori said.

Also, the existence of hotels and apartments in the same complex should assure entertainment facilities of customers well into late evening, he said.

"Since it's the most convenient location, wealthy people would choose to live there, which, in turn, drives retail business," Mori said. The synergy extends to personnel as well, he added: "Because of high utilization, you can hire excellent chefs, for example, and retain them."

Despite Mori's successes at Roppongi and Atori, the concept has its share of critics, including Brown of the Kanazawa Institute of Technology.

On its face, Roppongi Hills appears to be an interesting idea, Brown said, but it and similar Mori projects replaced living neighborhoods. They blocked pathways that people once used to get from one part of town to another, Brown said, and did away with playgrounds that belonged to the local community.

"In the case of Roppongi, it was a fairly dynamic and vital and living and well-mixed neighborhood before Mori took a wrecking ball to it," he said.

Monday, January 29, 2007

Art zones create high rent not talent, says designer

Art zones create high rent not talent, says designer
By Yan Zhen 2007-1-25 Shanghai Daily

ASPIRING artists have been squeezed out of the city's newly created art
spaces because of soaring rents, a top designer has warned.

In an interview with Shanghai Daily on Tuesday, Wu Zhiqiang, chief
designer of the Shanghai Creative Industry Center and the 2010 World
Expo, took aim at the old factories and warehouses converted into
upscale art studios, saying Shanghai "misinterpreted" their
development.

"Many of the so-called creative zones have turned out to be
over-luxurious," said Wu, who is also dean of Tongji University's
school of architecture and urban planning. "It seems we have focused
too much on imitating other's form, but we didn't really get the
essence."

Transforming deserted factory buildings and warehouses into modern art
workshops and creative industry buildings proved a popular way to
preserve old architecture in the West during the 20th century.

"Spacious sites with low rent and low labor costs make it possible for
unknowns to produce great innovative ideas. But the model was
misinterpreted in Shanghai," Wu said.

Since 2005, the city has developed 75 creative zones in disused
buildings, including Bridge 8 on Jianguo Road M. and M50 on Moganshan
Road along Suzhou Creek.

Rents in the zones have soared in recent years.

In 2000, daily rent in M50 was only 0.4 yuan (five US cents) to 0.5
yuan a square meter on average. It now stands at about four yuan.

Rents in some of the more well-known zones have even reached eight
yuan to 16 yuan per square meter, on a par with some downtown central
business district office buildings.

"The rent is unbelievably high. Almost no single young artist can
afford it," said Sun Xiaojian, who gave up his studio in a converted
factory to move to an office building in Pudong New Area.

Jochen Schuster, a visiting architecture professor at Dusseldorf
University of Applied Sciences, said it was good for the city to find
connections between old buildings and modern art, but zones should be
made more suitable for young designers, rather than already successful
names.

Wednesday, December 13, 2006

Architectural Survey of Shanghai in Conjunction with Artist Works

When: Thursday, December 14 between 1:00 p.m. and 5:30 p.m.
Where to meet: Lobby of student dorm building.

Urban development is an obvious phenomenon and reality in Chinese society. It is also a fundamental driving force for today’s art production. You will notice more and more exhibitions that not only deal with urban architecture and city planning, but also focus on how urban life style, cityscape and new forms of urban reality are shaping the artistic language and psychology of emerging artists.

The architectural tour of Shanghai is organized in conjunction with FAR-the Architecture Research Center of Shanghai will take place this Thursday. On this excursion you will visit one lilong complex, one regenarated factory complex, and one western architects designed building. Other sites to visit will include Pujiang- the new suburb in Italiantown style, and a climb of Lupu Bridge, where we can see the Expo terrain in progress. ( if bad weather Yangshupu Creative Center )
You will also receive a list of a select Chinese and international artists ( including Wang Jinsong, Luo Yongjin, Hu Yang, Zhang Dali, Danwen Xing, Michael Wolf, and Andreas Gurksy) and their work as they relate to our architectural tour.

Tuesday, December 12, 2006

Interview between Xintiandi architect Ben Wood and Ma Qingyun talk

Architects Ben Wood and Ma Qingyun talk about the hyper development of Shanghai, in the first in a series of reports by Louisa Lim on the Chinese city.

Twenty years ago, the Pudong area was farmland. Now, its futuristic skyline lights up the horizon across the river from Shanghai's original settlement.

Shanghai's Building Boom

In China, Shanghai's role is as a paragon of modernity, and also as a harbinger of the future. China is now undergoing one of the most massive urbanizations in human history, and nowhere is that more evident than in Shanghai. The city's population is now almost 18 million, and is forecast to rise to 25 million by 2020. Louisa Lim has an overview of the city's past -- and how it's preparing for its future.

Morning Edition, December 11, 2006 · It's become an urban myth that at one time, one-quarter of the world's construction cranes were in Shanghai. Indeed, it now has more skyscrapers than New York City.

Shanghai's historical upheavals and rebirths can be traced through architecture, with its colonial legacy and capitalist boom. Ahead of the World Expo in 2010, the city is being transformed again, with mind-bogglingly ambitious plans.

The latest symbol of Shanghai's urban hipness is Xintiandi, a bustling shopping and entertainment district. But these luxury boutiques, which appear to be housed in traditional lanehouses, are not what they seem.

In fact, Xintiandi is a re-imagining of Shanghai's old streetscape as consumer experience, dreamed up by American architect Ben Wood.

"In order for a place to be fashionable, it has to transcend the nostalgia of historic preservation," Wood says. "I was quite resourceful. Some preservationists say I was ruthless. … I made openings where openings didn't exist if I thought it would improve the cinematic experience of walking the neighborhood."

Traditional music wafts along the street, heightening the film-set feel of the place. This is Shanghai's most hyped urban development of recent years. But the decision to leave some old buildings standing is the exception rather than the rule.

The more-accepted new face of Shanghai is an ever-growing labyrinth of skyscrapers. From an observation deck in Pudong, a district across the river from Shanghai's original settlement, skyscrapers stretch out into the distance as far as the eye can see.

Twenty years ago, this area was just farmland. Now, this viral growth of skyscrapers, this city on steroids, symbolizes China's urban future.

Architect Ma Qingyun, who has just been appointed dean of the school of architecture at the University of Southern California, says Pudong's frenzied development "has certain dimensions of symbolic quality, to represent ambition and achievement in its new form of urbanization."

But for Wood, the American architect, Pudong's new cityscape is all about show.

"It's designed to create plots of land for monuments to corporate power, the global economy," says Wood.

He says you can't cross the street in Pudong because the red lights aren't long enough. "Sometimes it takes as long as three changes of the stoplight to get to the other side of the street. So it's really not a humane place."

Yet Pudong, too, is part of Shanghai's strategy to build for its surging humanity. Almost 18 million people live in greater Shanghai. But that figure is expected to rise by one-third before 2020.

As a result, the city is spreading unbelievably fast. In just five years, nine new satellite towns have been built literally from scratch -- each housing about the same number of people as the city of Atlanta.

Senior city planner Tang Zhiping says the need is pressing.

"We feel that the development and construction of these small towns is pretty urgent. But these experts are even more impatient than us; they want us to build lively, bustling towns in just two or three years. That's impossible."

So Shanghai is re-inventing itself anew, this time as the center of an urban megalopolis.

But as its lanehouses are leveled to make way for a forest of skyscrapers, is it in danger of losing its Chineseness?

No, says architect Ma Qingyun, because Shanghai's soul is in its openness to change, its tolerance and its absolute pragmatism.

"That's true Chineseness," Ma says. "Everything is in constant mutation, nothing is set as a fixity. We don't follow any spatial models. We don't care about the look of the building, so much so everybody still lives in Shanghai in ugly buildings. We care about how convenient life is."

Shanghai literally means "on the sea": It's the city that looks outward to the rest of the world, to the future. But what will Shanghai of the future look like in 20 years' time? With change so rapid and overarching, even architects working here designing that future can't answer that question. Ma worries about endless urban sprawl swallowing up the countryside.

"I have hope," he says, "but what I'm so afraid of is my vision" of the future.

http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=6600367

Saturday, December 09, 2006

Ai Weiwei : Fragments, Voids, Sections and Rings


Ai Weiwei : Fragments, Voids, Sections and Rings
Dec 05, 2006
Adrian Blackwell (interviewer)
Mason White (instigator)

Ai Weiwei (Beijing) is an artist, curator, and architectural designer who has been working in China and the United States since the late 1970's. An original member of "Stars," a group of artists working in Beijing in the late 1970's during the first years of reform, Ai attended film school with directors Chen Kaige and Zhang Yimou. He then traveled to the United States where he made conceptual art focused on the alteration of readymade objects and situations. In the early 1990's Ai returned to China to edit a series of three books on the art a new generation of artists, based in Beijing's Eastern Art Village: "Black Paper," "White Paper," and "Gray Paper." Since that time he has produced work which focuses on China's cultural history, centralized political system, and the contradictions of modernity. His work has shown across Europe, North America, and China.

Ai uses a set of tactics for the production of his work: undermining the meaning of existing artifacts, attacking fixed hierarchies of power, privileging developed vernacular knowledge and simply letting things take their own course. Over the past few years he has moved closer to architecture, beginning with the design of his own studio, the China Art Archives and Warehouse, and the Urs Meile Gallery all in the outskirts of Beijing; the plan for a Park of architectural follies in his family's home town of Jinhua in Zhejiang Province; and a collaboration with Herzog & de Meuron Architects on the Beijing Olympic Stadium.

This interview by Adrian Blackwell took place on June 21, 2006 at Ai Weiwei's studio/home in Cao Chang Di Village on the outskirts of Beijing.

Adrian Blackwell: There are two things we are interested in with your urban work. The first concerns your thoughts about the contemporary city: what's happening right now with Chinese urbanization? The second is the approach you take in your own urban interventions. I thought we could begin by talking about some of your recent projects. You started making art in the late 1970's, architecture in the late 1990's, and then quite recently, just a few years ago, you began to making works that are about urban space, documents of your city. I know of four of them: the Beijing video map, the void photographs, the Chang'an boulevard project and the Ring Road project. They are each fascinating ways of reading Beijing. What made you start making work like that, what made you start documenting the city?

Ai Weiwei: It's not exactly documenting. It has that function, but it has no documentary purpose. It's not being used as evidence or testimony for anything, but rather to materialize our physical life, its condition in the moment. If you are in place A or on line A or line B, then that present there or that movement is simply as it is. We're living in a constantly changing world and everybody sees it and knows it, but as an artist who is also involved in issues of design and urban planning, I always try to find a way to most efficiently capture what I call fragments, or very small pieces which carry the flavor or carry the essential meaning of the city. So it's a very small effort that I have made, even if it looks quite massive in terms of the length of the videos, its just one section of a fact - the concrete world.

AB: So maybe we could talk briefly about each of those pieces. Let's start with the first piece, the video which follows every street in Beijing within the fourth ring road.

AW: "INTERVAL" - From Da Bei Yao to Da Bei Yao, 8.10. - 7.11.2003.

AB: It's about the street network and it makes me think of Zhu Jianfei's book Chinese Spatial Strategies. He talks about the public space of the city of Beijing arguing that in a western city you have squares, public space is organized around openings in the fabric, while in the Chinese city (his example is Ming and Qing dynasty Beijing) public space is in the street, so the public space is not a void, but a network of space, and the active spaces are simply nodes, or widenings in that network. One of the things that I like about this project is that it is an attempt to map this entire network using video, but it also conflates the map and its opposite, which is the experience of simply being lost in the city. What were you thinking about with this network of every street in Beijing?

AW: I think that a city is a three dimensional or multi-dimensional thing, but the work itself is not even two-dimensional, it's just one point to another, to another, to another. So of course in time this weaves a net if you are thinking of the road you have been traveling along or if you join the individual points. It covers the whole city, all the hutongs and streets, but actually it is made at one time, at a moment. Still it follows a line, a line made by a vehicle which has more than a dozen people on it, and from day 1 to day 16 it passes through different parts of the city. So it appears to be a complete view of Beijing, but if you look at any point, it's just dots, because there is no camera movement except the movement of the car. Very little changes, but the attitude or position that drives it is not passive, it's fixed through a very concrete concept. So I think it's quite ironic in that sense: after 150 hours it documents the city, but nobody would watch 150 hours and at any moment you see, you are confined to a single point, or proportionally stretched points form a very short time within this big work. It only works when it is so long, more than six days and nights. It shows how big, how impossible, how crazy this city is, or how meaningless at the same time, because our proportion, our sense of time, and also our visual contact with the city is really limited by where we are and which direction we go. The moment is about a certain period of time, so when you just look at one moment you don't really know what is before or what is next, even if you can pretty much guess.

AB: With the void photographs you are documenting a moment where there is nothing. If you think about Chinese cities as constantly being torn down and rebuilt, then this is a moment of quiet in between. It seems that this is a moment of potential, but I don't know if you are that optimistic about this possibility all the time. What made you take those photographs?

AW: I think that's a special landscape in today's China, you are the largest construction site in the world and each year Beijing has one hundred million square metres of construction which exactly equals the area of the whole city in 1949. Every year you have this total amount of construction, but you only finish a third of it, thirty million square metres. You know these are just numbers, but they really tell you something about the urban condition, especially when you see that China builds 20 times the area built in Beijing. The whole country is building crazily. So you have a kind of landscape that destroys the old, because the old is really garbage I think. It's really shelter in its worst condition, like Harlem. We used to say that Harlem was 100 times better than most ordinary people's houses. Then after you destroy you make it flat - we call this san tong yi ping (three [infrastructural]connections and one leveling).


Pei Zhao: By now its jiu tong yi ping (nine connections and one leveling)

AW: Then all this land will be rebuilt by powerful people, developers. Most of them, are connected to the government. They make big profits from land, which is not constitutional. After 1949 land was taken from the landlords. They killed the landlords, and the land was given to the people, under the control of the state. Now all the land is being auctioned to people in favor or associated with the state, who are profiting from their privileged background. So you have a landscape that is just waiting for this future. Even if it's totally empty, it will soon be built. Soon it will change the whole landscape of Beijing and of China.

It's a very sad condition, you see a nation or a city rip up the past, not to benefit the people, or the situation, but for profit, it's really the idea of all those new rich. It's like a country girl has to be a prostitute, because there is no other way to get out of the village. China's development is so much based in this idea: to let somebody ruthlessly become rich, but they can't become rich unless the party and government also profits, otherwise it's impossible. So who has become rich? Who has become more powerful? Who benefits and who is losing their rights, or their property. This property belongs to everybody, it belongs to somebody who never sees this property, because you know we are a communist country and this of course for the past 10 to 20 years has been a hidden secret (I mean nobody talks about it). It's stealing. I am not criticizing, these are only the facts. I record the condition after things are torn down and before they are built up, you know it's a very short moment, but in that moment nobody wants to look. There's a question mark there, a big, big void. The old is so sad, but the new is also sad. It is a very sad condition, so I think it's interesting to record it. It's a unique situation, a void with many questions, yet people don't want to look, or raise these questions.

AB: If the void project looks at empty moments inside the city, the Chang'an boulevard project moves in a straight line from outside through the city. It's a section. You were interested in the movement from rural space through urban space and back to the rural. How do you see that piece describing the contemporary city?

AW: I think that surprisingly enough when I started to make it, I did not know what it would be. It's not based on very sophisticated thinking, more on an attitude than on careful planning. It started when one of our friends said they had a son who wanted to come to Beijing, but had nothing to do. After he arrived I asked him if he could do this for a while. Then after days of planning what he should do, I found that Chang'an from the 6th ring road to the 6th ring is 45 km. So I made a very simple decision: just take one video shot for one minute every 50m. No technical requirements: push down, count 1 minute, turn it off, move another 50m, push down... Whatever happens in front of the lens is fine. It took months, the whole winter, because in the winter there is no better or worse view. I think in Beijing the winter really reflects northern landscape very well. You know there is a kind of sadness there. So after months he had taken 1000's of shots: from a very rural, primitive village, to the business district, to the political center, to an old town and later on ended up in the Capital Iron Company, which has just been destroyed and moved to another city township. This video was the last possible time to take these shots of the Capital Iron Company, a symbol of socialist industry. They made all the iron for the nation.

AB: When you look at maps of the growth of Beijing from 1949 to the present it is amazing to watch Chang'an Boulevard, it draws the city out, away from the old city. So much of the growth of the city is along that line that it is much longer than the rest of the city. The Last work that I know about that deals with the city is your Ring Road project.

AW: I made two pieces, one about the second ring and the other about the third ring. The video of the second ring is structured through the 33 bridges, taking one minute shots on each side of the bridge. So standing there you see the car traffic moving from overhead. Then I did the third ring, 50 some bridges and the same thing, the only difference is that second ring is taken on cloudy days (in Beijing most days are like that), while the third ring is taken on sunny days. If you look at it immediately you know that one's second ring and one is third ring. One is just grey color, and sometimes snowing. It's very boring and not an exciting thing to do, but nevertheless it records the condition at the time, its very much like a witness passing through: what he would see, his eye, anybody's eye. There is no artistic or aesthetic value, not much judgment there. Its very, very simple situation; it's very much like a monitor actually.

AB: We have talked a little bit about these works you have done about the city. But the other thing I am interested in is the way you live in the city. You live in a village; you don't really live in the city.

AW: Well this city, Beijing, surprisingly enough is not a real city. I cannot call it a city, it's still very flat, not dense enough, not strong enough, it doesn't have enough variation and mixed conditions, it's still very even.

Today I live in Beijing. I was also born in Beijing, but soon after we moved to Xinjiang and I grew up there. My father owned a courtyard in Beijing, but for years other people lived in it, because our family was considered an enemy of the people, an enemy of the state, and an enemy of the party. Three enemies. Being just one of them was enough to be exiled. Then after 20 years away we returned and lived in different parts of the city. We borrowed places, because our home was inhabited by other people. We lived in different places: West, North, East or South, so I have a very clear image of what the city looked like. At the time the city was occupied by bureaucratic compounds: universities (of course at that time were not open), government, military and so-called scientific research institutes. All these different departments were all under the same conditions, communist, without private property, everyone belonging to the work unit. So there was only one condition: you were either one of the people or an "enemy of the people." So simple. I guess there weren't so many "enemies of the people," but from time to time that vein was very consciously mined. They were trying to find out who is an enemy of the people for years while I was growing up. It was one political movement after another after another. It was crazy every day. Today you talk about it and it sounds more like a joke: "what a joke, why are you still talking about things like this?" But this was true: many people lost their lives. I think that that ghost is still haunting China today. Not the communist ideology, the ideology may be good, but the way that this power is maintained within society and how brutal the state can be towards a human's basic condition, not to talk about human rights, but essential needs.

So that is basically what this city was and still half of the city is still based in this and the other half is the so-called new rich, after Deng Xiaoping's getting rich first policy. Of course who is going to get rich? It's not the ordinary person. But this is not a complaint, it's simply the truth. You know in China, you still talk about people who have the right to live in the city or not to live in the city. It's called hukou, dividing people into locals, non-locals.

PZ: You need a license, or special registration to live in the city. Throughout the entire world only North Korea and China have a policy like this one.

AW: Locals don't have many rights, besides the privilege of enrolling in school, but in the newspaper they often talk about the crimes caused by non-locals. There is a crazy amount of discrimination against people who are not local. A small example of this is that the city has laws against illegal structures like this one (Ai Weiwei's home and studio). Think about it this way: the city is built solely by migrants from the outside, but none of them are locals except the boss and where are they going to live? Nobody provides any space for them. Of course they gather at the outskirts of the city...

PZ: And in the village in the city...

AW: Just to build a place that they can stay, whether it's legal or not.

AB: But this village, Cao Chang Di, is it a village that pre-dates the city, or is it a village like you are talking about now, a village that is built illegally? Most people that live here appear to be migrants, but did they build this village, or did they inhabit an existing one?

AW: In the 1960's this was a so-called "China Albania Friendship Farmer's village." These were very privileged farmers, who were supposed to provide an example for the country, growing vegetables for the city.

So when university or high school students graduated, and Chairman Mao sent them to be re-educated on a farm, they would send some people here. At that time people working here found much better conditions that you would find in more distant areas. At least on the weekend they could ride their bicycle home. These were example farmers, so it was a good farm.

Recently I heard that it is no longer a village and the former farmers are buying out their hukou to become citizens, instead of farmers. The real reason this is happening is so that the land can be returned to the government, because if you are a farmer no one can take your land. Of course there is real benefit for these new citizens, they have some new citizen's rights, but at the same time the land is returned to the state, so that it can sell the land to anybody it wants to. There are a lot of tricks and games, but it is really so simple: the state is the only beneficiary. But in a state, like China, which is not a democratic society, far from it, nobody argues about this, the press won't talk about it, intellectuals never discuss it. Probably I am the only crazy guy who always talks about it. But they think: "This shit guy, why is he always talking about this?"

So what kind of city is this? I can't see a city without citizens. It's like you don't see a religion without followers. Nobody can decide how the city is going to be; everything is done through governmental decisions, today we need a road here, tomorrow... It's by very simple decisions from the top. If Sanlitun (a Beijing bar street) becomes nice they say: "Oh, lets change it, we'll plan big buildings so that someone can profit from it, not all you street vendors." It's crazy, whenever they see people benefit, they will grab the profit. It's so simple, they change here or there not as they say, to make the city better. The city is already better when they do nothing, take 798 (a contemporary arts district, in a former model industrial work unit) as an example, but once they see this they always take action.

So that's my understanding of this city. I really have no relationship with it, except when journalists come to visit me. Otherwise I just go to one restaurant, which I designed (called Where to Go?). A lot of friends go as well, so we have a place to meet and eat dinner, and then I come back here.

AB: This is a courtyard house, and it seems to me that the kind of city you are talking about when you say you live here and in your restaurant, has very few elements, its not so much about the city space in between. I am interested in that because a lot of people, for instance New Urbanists in North America, might say you make a good city by making lively streets, by concentrating energy on the public space of the city. I don't know if it is the way you would like to make a city, but the way you live is different from that, its much more about autonomy, creating a separate space through the compound, but still finding forms of community. The restaurant for instance is a kind of public space, which can't be here in Cao Chang Di; it's better that it's in the city, because people can get to it more easily. I am wondering if you are interested in making a city that starts from the way you live in it, which I think is quite different from the way many others think a city should work.

AW: Of course most European cities are based in convenience and efficiency. But it's not necessary to me that these functional requirements are supported, what is more important is the use. You need a real variety of intention and purpose: people who are doing things that you would never think about. So you know that's important. I think a city can be very brutal and lacking in qualities of life, because these are not desired, but without many different purposes, the city loses its initial reason for becoming a city.

Many places, like this city, have vast areas without use. It is so strange, these spaces are not for individuals; they're for a special group that has no meaning. This group gives the city no meaning; it's a negative force, working against other people.

AB: Maybe we could finish, with a question about the different processes you use in making art. I'll list some of the different techniques, or tactics, that you use. I am interested in how you might see them applying to your design thinking and its relationship to processes of urbanization.

The first is the notion of detournment, this Situationist idea of diverting the meaning of existing artifacts, taking found things and altering them slightly to change their purpose. You've used this technique in architecture, in the projects you did at Beijing's Soho housing development, the silo and the upside down house, and in the project we're sitting in - your own studio. Even though it's not a found object, it looks like one. You use ordinary typologies and vernacular forms and slightly modify them.

The second involves letting things go, you just drop a Han Dynasty vase on the ground. You let it go to see what happens. I think this works like the video pieces as well, you set up a process to see what ensues.

But then there is another tactic you use: an overt "fuck you!", working very strongly against authority, centrality...

AW: ...order and the state, establishment...


Documenta 12 in Kassel, Germany.


AB: And I guess the final one which is in some ways the opposite of the last one, is that you use the power of developed knowledge, a general intellect, vernacular techniques, you have a deep respect for the way people do and make things.

So I am wondering how you see these tactics in relation to the city, can you see your practice of making urban space in relation to these same techniques?


AW: I think we are in a very special moment, As Chinese people, but also internationally, we have gone from the cold war, an unjust society, towards so-called globalization, or a stronger capitalist society, or an information age. Everything happened with a purpose leaving us with unknown conditions. I don't think humans can ever really control this, and it has become even less controllable. Circumstances are now much more complicated than we can predict. For example until quite recently there was no China or India and now suddenly they are the factories of the world. But people are still trying to figure out what this means in relation to ideology, social and political structure, and all kinds of other problems, like education and the environment. I don't think there is a single reaction, at least for myself that can answer these questions, or put me at peace. So I constantly think about the condition of being lost. Once you're lost, you try to figure out where to go. Imagine you're in the middle of a train station and you try to understand the much larger, much more complicated, space around you, or the travel you are embarking on.

So I think it's crazy, the whole thing is crazy. I am not very clear about what I am doing. If I have a character, I don't have much purpose in my life, but more of a natural flow. The only fact is that I am still alive. I'm here. This is solid now, but even this might change. I can't figure out what is going on. Really that's true. Honestly, I don't have a clear answer for this. The clearest answers look ridiculous to me.

Adrian Blackwell teaches architecture and urban design at the University of Toronto's Faculty of Architecture, Landscape and Design.

Pei Zhao practices architecture and urban design with Parsons Brinckerhoff in Beijing.

Together they curated the exhibition Detours: Tactical Approaches to Urbanization in China at the University of Toronto's Eric Arthur Gallery. The exhibition features projects by nine contemporary architects and two artists, including Ai Weiwei's "INTERVAL" - From Da Bei Yao to Da Bei Yao, 8.10. - 7.11.2003.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons License.

Zeng Li's Archeology of Modern China

Zeng Li's Archeology of Modern China
by Christopher Phillips
http://www.shanghaigalleryofart.com/en/artists_detail.asp?id=48
During the past five years, regular visitors to contemporary art group exhibitions in China have often encountered groups of large color photographs showing the facades of apparently unremarkable Beijing apartment buildings. Compared to the exuberant paintings, installations, and video works around them, these sober, factual photographs typically stand apart because of their unassuming presentation and everyday subject matter. Although credited to "Zeng Li," few visitors would think to associate them with the celebrated Beijing stage designer of the same name, whose innovative decors for the People's Art Theater and collaborations with Zhang Yimou have won world-wide recognition. I was surprised to learn, not long ago, that the stage designer and the photographer are indeed the same person. And I was astonished to discover, when I paid my first visit to Zeng Li in Beijing, that the photographs I had seen in exhibitions were only the tip of the iceberg. In fact, during the past 10 years, Zeng Li has made thousands of photographs that portray the destruction of Beijing’s hutong dwellings, the changes in residential architecture of the past five decades, the wholesale reconstruction of China’s urban centers, and the traces of China’s industrial heritage. These photographs provide a meticulous record of the changes that have taken place in the everyday urban fabric of Beijing and other cities, as the hutong lanes, the standardized apartment buildings, and the sprawling factories of the recent past have given way to soaring residential towers and glittering shopping malls. When Zeng Li speaks of desire to create a lasting visual record of an urban environment that is rapidly disappearing, it is possible to glimpse an unexpected but authentic passion. Born in 1961, Zeng Li grew up in Liuzhou, in Guangxi province in China's far south. He remembers it as a place notable for the nearby mountains and also for the newly built factories situated in the region. His family lived on the outskirts of the city, in residential quarters belonging to a chemical factory. Zeng Li stayed in Liuzhou until he finished high school and left to attend the Central Drama Institute in Beijing, where he studied stage design. Since graduating in 1987, he has been associated with the Beijing People's Art Theater, earning acclaim as one of China’s leadng stage and costume designers. He attracted wide international attention in 1997 with his stage design for Zhang Yimou's production of "Turnadot" in Florence and then Beijing, and he collaborated again with the celebrated film director on a ballet version of "Raise the Red Lantern" in 2001. Because China’s creative community is unusually close-knit, Zeng Li has also been involved in projects with the leading artists and architects of his generation. He participated, for example, in the "Bunker" group exhibition that the artist Cai Guo Qiang organized in 2004 in a complex of former Taiwanese military bunkers on Kinmen (Quemoy) island. Zeng Li’s contribution, "Fight Theater," was a performance by 20 members of the Peking Opera. On a stage in front of a map of China and Taiwan, they carried out an ironic remix of battle scenes from historic Peking Opera productions. The visual richness of Zeng Li's stage design does not prepare you for the austerity and the quiet reserve of his photographs, which reveal a very different side of his artistic temperament. It was around 1997, he recalls, that he realized that photography could be used to register the dramatic changes that were sweeping through Beijing’s historic neighborhoods as a result of the capital’s ongoing modernization campaign. At that time, he kept a painting studio some distance northwest of central Beijing, in the part of Changping district where the Ming Tombs lie in a tranquil, orchard-filled valley cradled by the Tianshou mountains. His visits to that site, where 13 of the 16 Ming emperors were buried between 1409 and 1644, sparked his historical curiosity. At that time, he recalls, only one of the tombs had been restored, and the remainder lay mostly in ruins. When the Beijing municipal government announced a plan to restore all of the tombs and to develop the area as an international tourist attraction, Zeng Li felt that he should photograph the area before it was "destroyed" by renovation. He purchased a professional camera and made some of his first photographs there; the area has remained one of his long-term photographic subjects. Traveling regularly by bus and bicycle back and forth to his studio, Zeng Li says, he could not help but observe the accelerating pace with which many of Beijing's traditional residential neighborhoods were disappearing. Gradually he began to imagine the creation of a systematic photographic record of the old sections of Beijing that were slated for destruction. This urge became even more pressing in 2001, when Beijing was chosen to host the 2008 Olympics. Zeng Li realized that many of the historic yet badly dilapidated areas of the old city would almost certainly be demolished by the municipal government, in an effort to spruce up the city’s image for the benefit of foreign visitors and the world media. The debate over urban renewal in the central districts of the capital was hardly new. Ever since the founding the People’s Republic in 1949, Beijing has witnessed a continuing struggle between the forces of urban renovation and those of preservation. In 1949, the four central districts of Beijing’s old city were filled mainly by one-story residential buildings--mostly courtyard-style houses arrayed along the narrow lanes of densely packed neighborhoods called hutongs. As the population of Beijing grew, some hutongs were torn down and replaced with new, low-rise, six-story housing. Nevertheless, until the late 1980s the main official response to the challenge of Beijing’s swelling population was to build new, standardized residential complexes on the city’s peripheries. In the long run, however, this strategy did little to protect the hutongs. Because housing maintenance was given such a low priority by the municipal government, Beijing's courtyard dwellings gradually deteriorated to a dangerous degree. By the end of the 1980s, Beijing's hutongs had won a reputation as crumbling, unhealthy quarters, and city officials increasingly described them as a blight on the reputation of the nation’s capital. In 1990, the Beijing municipal government embarked on a program of sweeping changes in the central city, adopting an ambitious master plan that aimed at the renovation of 8.2 million square meters of courtyard housing occupied by 400,000 households. The actual situation of the hutongs could, of course, be interpreted quite differently depending on one's vantage point. To city officials, they appeared as embarrassing relics of an earlier, almost feudal age, that were wholly unsuited for the capital of a powerful modern China. Such observers could see only dilapidated buildings afflicted with crumbling walls, rotting columns, leaky roofs, poor drainage, primitive toilet facilities, inadequate heat and ventilation, and lack of sunlight. Combined with the desperate overcrowding of the courtyard dwellings, where three generations of a family might share a single room, these conditions led many of Beijing’s planners to conclude that the hutongs were a national disgrace, and worthy only of destruction. For the residents of the hutongs, however, these obvious disadvantages were to a large degree offset by the lively and intimate lifestyle that these areas afforded. Thanks to their narrow lanes, originally designed to offer protection from Beijing’s notorious dust storms, hutongs were hospitable to pedestrian traffic but not easily accessible to automobiles. The very crowdedness of the courtyard dwellings encouraged a vital, constantly flowing street life. While living conditions were difficult, these neighborhoods were hardly slums; the hutong social structure was remarkably stable, most residents were employed, and public services were readily available. Most crucially, families that had lived for generations in the same hutong inevitably developed a network of close, nuanced relationships with neighboring families. The real appeal of hutong life was this extraordinarily intimate human texture, a quality impossible to re-create in the standardized apartment buildings that were Beijing's only residential alternative. The announced goal of the Beijing “housing renewal” of the 1990s was to improve the quality of life of hutong dwellers. As it was implemented by the new private real-estate developers who came to dominate Beijing’s urban-renewal process, however, renovation often amounted to the permanent relocation of hutong dwellers, who bitterly realized that they could not afford the market-rate rents that would be introduced following rehabilitation projects. As Zeng Li's interest in making a visual record of the hutongs became known, he would often receive phone calls from hutong residents or from members of preservation groups alerting him that bulldozers had been summoned to knock down a certain area. He would hurry there with his large-format camera; some of his pictures show the demolition already in progress. Most of the hutong dwellers that he encountered while photographing encouraged his project, because they realized that buildings like theirs were rapidly disappearing all over Beijing. Yet other people, Zeng Li recalls, would stop and brusquely ask him, “Why are you making these pictures? There is nothing beautiful here.” By 2000, there were increasing of photographers recording the destruction of Beijing’s hutongs. Zeng Li stands apart as one of the few photographers to expand the scope of his project beyond the hutongs, to encompass the story of the wider changes that had taken place in the housing of the capital’s inhabitants since the 1960s. He began systematically to photograph the different types of residential buildings that characterized succeeding decades. These included examples of the spartan six-story walk-up buildings of the 1960s and ‘70s, a period when the nation had scant resources to devote to housing; the 12-story midrise buildings of the 1980s, which began to appear after the state decided to allow market forces to play a role in developing the housing sector; and the soaring, ornately decorated luxury towers that began to dominate Beijing's skyline during the economic boom of the 1990s. It is characteristic of Zeng Li’s approach that he did not set out to highlight the most architecturally important or innovative buildings, but to create a visual archive of the residential structures that were the most typical of their kind. His photographs usually employ a straight-on viewpoint and avoid unusual camera angles or dramatic compositions. They did not initially elicit great enthusiasm from Beijing’s artists, who were busy exploring more theatrical and conceptual approaches to photography. Instead Zeng Li found his most appreciative audience among Chinese architects, who quickly realized that his photographs cast a revealing light on a part of China’s everyday built environment that had largely escaped serious attention. Zeng Li’s visual revelation of the unheralded yet ubiquitous buildings in which millions spent lived their lives amounted to an alternative history of the recent course of architecture in China. Another facet of Zeng Li’s fascination with Beijing’s architectural environment can be found in his series of photographs of industrial chimneys and smokestacks. He regards these as compelling symbols of China’s determination, in the 1950s and ‘60s, to achieve industrial self-sufficiency as rapidly as possible. This goal prompted the construction of factories large and small throughout the country--even in Beijing, the nation’s capital. While a few of the smokestacks in Zeng Li's photographs belong to factories that are still in operation, most now serve only to mark sites where working factories once stood. As such they are monumental reminders of China’s historic shift from an agricultural to an industrial society. Just as the small factories that once dotted Beijing are now disappearing because of environmental concerns, so the giant iron and steel factories that arose during the same era are now being closed or relocated. Among Zeng Li’s most memorable photographs are those made on the grounds of the Shougang Iron and Steel Company, which once occupied the leading ranks of China’s state enterprises. Founded in 1919 in what were then the western suburbs of Beijing, the company grew rapidly after 1949 to become one of China’s largest and most famous steel-producing establishments, employing more than 100,000 workers. Recently, as a result of Beijing’s growing alarm about the enormous pollution created by Shougang’s operations, it has been decided that the company’s steel-making facilities, which lie only 18 kilometers from Tiananmen Square, will be completely relocated to Hebei province by 2010. There have even been recent official discussions of turning the vast, 2-million-square-meter Shougang complex into an art district similar to the 798 Factory in Beijing's Dashanzi section. For Zeng Li, the conviction that such industrial enterprises form a vital part of modern China’s history eventually led him to travel to Guizhou province, in the country’s southwest, to photograph the sprawling Shuicheng Iron and Steel Works. Prior to 1949, there was virtually no industry in this mountainous region, which despite its natural resources was one of China’s poorest provinces. With the advent of the People’s Republic and the strategic decision to locate new industrial facilities deep in the country’s interior, the central government provided financing for the establishment of coal mines, chemical plants, and metallurgical plants, as well as a railway meant to connect Guizhou to its neighboring provinces. By 1960, the first regional iron and steel facility opened in Guizhou’s capital, Guiyang. The metal works that was subsequently was built in Shuicheng was one of the country’s largest steel facilities to be constructed entirely with Chinese resources, without the foreign assistance that had been common before the Sino-Soviet rift of the early 1960. The Shuicheng factory remains active today despite pollution concerns. Zeng Li relates that he was able to obtain permission to photograph there with the help of the editors at the Workers Publishing House in Beijing. He told them of his keen desire to photograph China’s historic factories, and they wrote letters on his behalf to the local authorities. Zeng Li wryly relates that even though the editors realized that he would work in his usual non-dramatic photographic style, they may have secretly hoped that he would accidentally make some beautiful pictures that could be of use to their publishing house. Overall, Zeng Li’s photographs of depopulated industrial zones, abandoned factory buildings, and shut-down blast furnaces suggest his fascination with the aftermath of the China’s epic rise to the status of industrial superpower in the course of a short half century. He shares this fascination with the filmmaker Wang Bing, whose monumental nine-hour documentary West of the Tracks (2003) explores the present-day ruins of the vast industrial complex in Shenyang, in the northeastern province of Liaoning. It is important to realize that both the photographer and the filmmaker are portraying local examples of a process that is occurring not only in China but world-wide: the decline of the labor-intensive resource-depleting industrial system that originated in the 19th century in Europe and the U.S. and then spread to the rest of the world. Today this system is under pressure everywhere, as we enter a new age of high-tech, computer-guided production and global markets. Examples of this historic process can be found in the decaying factories of the “rustbelt” in the U.S. northeast; in Russia, where the once-powerful Soviet steel industry has almost entirely withered away; and in the Ruhr Valley of Germany, once the steel-producing capital of Europe. Seen in this light, Zeng Li’s photographic project seems remarkably close in spirit to that of the German husband-and-wife team Bernd and Hilla Becher. Since the late 1950s, the Bechers have created a remarkable visual record of the vanishing traces of Europe’s former industrial culture. In their precise, objective, and purposely “non-artistic” photographs, we see an amazing array of blast furnaces, cooling towers, lime kilns, mine heads, grain elevators, and workers’ houses--all part of a vast industrial world which existed from the 1830s to the 1960s. The photographs of the Bechers, like those of the earlier German “New Objectivity” portraitist August Sander, are well known to Zeng Li. His photographs, like theirs, serve to remind us as how quickly entire social worlds, inhabited by countless millions of people, can dissolve when a new economic and technological era suddenly makes its appearance. Looking back at his photographs of the past decade, Zeng Li acknowledges that his conception of his own project has steadily expanded. Starting with the historic structures of the Ming Tombs, he enlarged his view to include the everyday architecture of China’s cities and then its historic factories. Now, he says, he intends to take his camera to the countryside, to assemble a visual record of the momentous changes that are occurring as a powerful wave of 21st-century modernization takes hold in China’s traditional agricultural regions. These photographs, it is safe to predict, will take their place in the unrivaled historical panorama of China’s transformation that Zeng Li is quietly, patiently creating.